1. Baldwin, “Autobiographical Notes,” in Notes of a Native Son, 5.
2. Baldwin, “Everybody’s Protest Novel,” in Notes of a Native Son, 16–17.
3. Ibid., 17.
4. Ibid., 17–18.
5. Ibid., 18.
6. Ibid., 19.
7. Ibid., 19.
8. Ibid., 20.
9. Ibid., 23.
10. Ibid., 23.
11. Ibid., 22.
12. Winant, The World Is a Ghetto, 2.
13. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, x.
1. Winant, The World Is a Ghetto, 141.
2. Ibid., 141.
3. Ibid., 145.
4. Ibid., 6.
5. This plays out in Winant’s genealogy of U.S. racial formation since World War II. Briefly, by the mid-1960s the U.S. state had successfully insulated itself from the radical demands of the civil rights movement by “incorporating key provisions of civil rights in terms compatible with core values of U.S. politics and culture,” while severing more far-reaching visions of social democracy. From the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s, a new racial common sense of equal opportunity and laws prohibiting discrimination held sway against Left challenges based in a critique of the embeddedness of unequal outcomes in racial dynamics. After the mid-1980s racial hegemony moved to the right, and racialized social stratification hardened, inaugurating a post–civil rights era. These changes were led by the New Right’s resurgent (if subtextual) white supremacy and the neoconservative movement’s rearticulation of civil rights agendas of opportunity and rights within a framework of individualism and meritocracy that actively denied the enduring significance of racialization.
6. Robinson, Black Marxism, 3.
7. Hall, “On Postmodernism and Articulation,” 143.
8. Ibid., 142.
9. Winant himself discusses this in The New Politics of Race. See also Singh, Black Is a Country, on black critiques of Cold War management.
10. Weber, Economy and Society.
11. Singh, Black Is a Country, 223.
12. Reddy, “Globality and the Ends of the Nation-form,” 474–75.
13. Myrdal, An American Dilemma, 1021.
14. Ibid., 1022.
15. Ibid., lxxix.
16. Ibid., lxxi.
17. Ibid., 928.
18. Scott, Contempt and Pity.
19. Smethhurst, The Black Arts Movement, 15–16.
20. Quoted in Moraga and Anzaldúa, This Bridge Called My Back, 210.
21. Hong, The Ruptures of American Capital, xxiv.
22. Moraga and Anzaldúa, This Bridge Called My Back.
23. Ibid., xvii.
24. Lee, Urban Triage, 4.
25. Ibid., 4.
26. Lucas, American Higher Education, 228–29.
27. Ibid., 242.
28. See Newfield, Unmaking the Public University, 19–30.
29. Lucas, American Higher Education, 242.
30. See Newfield, Unmaking the Public University, 107–24.
31. See Ferguson, The Reorder of Things.
32. Rooks, White Money/Black Power, 93, 106.
33. Bryson, Making Multiculturalism, 2.
34. Ibid., 29.
35. Ibid., 1.
36. See Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, and Chalfin, Neoliberal Frontiers.
37. I thank Chandan Reddy for this formulation.
38. See Melamed, “The Spirit of Neoliberalism.”
39. See Lim, “Performing the Global University.”
40. Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, 155.
41. See Rivera et al., Foreclosed: The State of the Dream 2008.
42. I thank Grace Hong for this formulation and for several formulations in the following chapter summaries.
43. Here I riff on a formulation from Reddy, “Globality and the Ends of the Nation-form,” 475.
44. For example, the operation of official antiracisms as liberal modes for instituting normative power has given rise to race-radical antiracisms that expose and displace norms controlling legibility and illegibility and punishing norm violators as irrational, illegal, unwomanly, immoral, uncivil, and so on. These include women-of-color feminism, LGBTQ social movements (especially queer-of-color activism), informal and formal resistance to the homogenizing forces of U.S.–European modernity, and contemporary international indigenous peoples’ movements.
45. My scholarship on racial materialism is also informed by influential and important scholarship in critical race and ethnic studies, postcolonial studies, and American Indian and indigenous studies and by scholars such as Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, Cedric Robinson, Lisa Lowe, David Lloyd, Ruth Gilmore, Angela Davis, Cheryl Harris, Howard Winant, Nikhil Singh, Brent Edwards, Eduardo Bonilla Silva, Robin D. G. Kelley, Roderick Ferguson, David Kazanjian, David Eng, James Lee, Inderpal Grewal, Jacqui Alexander, Grace Kyungwon Hong, Sean Teuton, and many others. In a way, much of this scholarship enacts, as much as it analyzes, the materializing intellectual activism I designate race radical and therefore can be thought of as part of the tradition (always undone) described here. Other rubrics similar to race radicalism include “Black worldliness” in the work of Nikhil Singh, “Immigrant Acts” in the work of Lisa Lowe, and “minority discourse” in the work of David Lloyd and Abdul JanMohamed. See Singh, Black Is a Country, 119; Lowe, Immigrant Acts, 8; and JanMohamed and Lloyd, “Introduction,” 5–12.
46. Spivak, Death of a Discipline, 23.
1. KILLING SYMPATHIES
1. Quoted from the printed text of Himes’s University of Chicago speech; see Himes, “Dilemma of the Negro Novelist in the U.S.,” in Williams, Beyond the Angry Black, 52–58.
2. For a description of Chester Himes’s reading at the University of Chicago in 1948, see Fabre and Margolies, The Several Lives of Chester Himes, 70.
3. Embree and Waxman, Investment in People, 172.
4. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights, 47–79.
5. For a discussion of An American Dilemma as a watershed study of U.S. race relations, see Southern, Gunnar Myrdal and Black–White Relations; Scott, Contempt and Pity; Steinberg, Turning Back; and Jackson, Gunnar Myrdal and America’s Conscience.
6. Singh, Black Is a Country, 38–57.
7. A process of deep racialization can be seen when it is noted that Myrdal’s compendious sociological study cedes consciousness in its narrative frame only to white Americans, while reducing African Americans to components of the race problem that usefully incites white moral conversion.
8. Embree, Investment in People, 142–43, 182
9. Ibid., 151
10. Scott, Contempt and Pity, 66.
11. Richard Wright, Rosenwald Fund Collection, Box 34.
12. Chester Himes, Rosenwald Fund Collection, Box 421, Folder 1.
13. Chester Himes, Rosenwald Fund Collection, Box 421, Folder 1.
14. Claude McKay, Julius Rosenwald Fund Collection, Box 502 and 435; and Zora Neale Hurston, Julius Rosenwald Fund Collection, Box 423, Folder 9.
15. Embree and Waxman, Investment in People: The Story of the Julius Rosenwald Fund, 146.
16. James Baldwin, Julius Rosenwald Fund Collection, Box 391.
17. Laclau and Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, x.
18. Du Bois, “Kenya’s People on the Move,” in Newspaper Columns by W. E. B. Du Bois, vol. 2, 830; and “Watch Africa,” in Newspaper Columns by W. E. B. Du Bois, vol. 2, 863.
19. Du Bois, “Cannot This Paralyzed Nation Awake?,” in Newspaper Columns by W. E. B. Du Bois, vol. 2, 926.
20. In his later work Du Bois frequently rearticulated his famous 1903 thesis, “the problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color line.” This rearticulation was done in the face of racial liberalism’s capacity to appropriate the thesis for the purpose of asserting the global manifest destiny of U.S. solutions to race and racism. In one typical revision, Du Bois underscored that the problem of the color line had been and remained fundamentally an economic issue: “Here then is the fundamental question of our day: How far can nations who are at present most advanced in intelligence … and technique keep their wealth without using the land and labor of the majority of mankind mainly for the benefit of the European world and not for the benefit of most men, who happen to be colored?” (Du Bois, “The Wealth of the West vs. a Chance for Exploited Mankind,” in Newspaper Columns by W. E. B. Du Bois, vol. 2, 939). Against the referential logic of racial liberalism that would have erased the primary relevance of the economic in race matters, Du Bois’s new formula called attention to the fact that without a democratic redistribution of the wealth, postcolonial conditions would deepen a process of economic stratification in which the preservation of race lines would be far from incidental (thus the passage’s closing sarcasm).
21. See especially Singh, Black Is a Country, and Kelley, Freedom Dreams.
22. I thank Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak for this observation.
23. See Chester Himes’s letter to Walter Freeman, dated September 11, 1955, in Box 48, Folder 1, Moorland Springarn Research Center, Howard University: “I deliberately maintained a blurred viewpoint, presenting all scenes in distortion and off-center. The moment realism attempted to raise its vicious head, I injected burlesque, parody or perhaps just prattle.”
24. Robinson’s joke about “Eskimos” reproduces the blatant disregard for cultural difference it defends against in the case of African American cultural difference. One must ask how an Inuit would respond to the joke. The fact that even so rhetorically complex and attentive a text as The End of a Primitive could reproduce such disregard for cultural difference shows how much work there is still to do.
25. See especially Ferguson, Aberrations in Black, 1–30 and 82–110.
26. Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, 109–40.
2. COUNTERINSURGENT CANON WARS AND SURVIVING LIBERAL MULTICULTURALISM
1. See Carby, “The Canon: Civil War and Reconstruction”; Carby, “The Multicultural Wars, Part One”; and Carby, “The Multicultural Wars, Part Two.”
2. See Carby, “The Multicultural Wars, Part One.” See also Massey and Denton, American Apartheid; Wilson, The Truly Disadvantaged; and Oliver and Shapiro, Black Wealth/White Wealth.
3. Carby, Cultures in Babylon, 260.
4. See Carby, Cultures in Babylon. Carby titled the last section of the volume of collected essays “Dispatches from the Multicultural Wars.”
5. Carby, Cultures in Babylon, 251.
6. Ibid., 253.
7. Most perniciously for Carby, the canon wars and liberal multiculturalism’s victory undermined earlier activism to remake universities into places where the intellectual labor of social transformation might happen. Though not worked out in detail, Carby sketched out a general diminishment of the ethos that motivated black and ethnic studies in the 1970s: the desire to democratize universities, to produce knowledge for the exercise of self-determination, and to form progressive collectives. Instead, as Carby pointed out, these energies have been redirected to the work of canon and curriculum integration: “While the attention of faculty and administrators has been directed towards increasing the representation of different social groups in the curriculum of the college handbook, few alliances have been forged with substantial forces across this society that will significantly halt and reverse the declining numbers of black, working-class and poor people among university student bodies and faculties” (Cultures in Babylon, 250–51).
8. Kelley, “ ‘When History Sleeps’: A Beginning.”
9. Smethurst, The Black Arts Movement, and Young, Soul Power, 4.
10. Ferguson, Aberrations in Black, and Hong, Ruptures of American Capital.
11. Lee, Urban Triage, 4.
12. Bryson, Making Multiculturalism, 2.
13. For an excellent discussion of multicultural literature as part of a strategy of racial abandonment, one from which I have benefitted greatly, see Lee, Urban Triage.
14. See “How She Came by Her Name: An Interview with Lois Massiah,” in Bambara, Deep Sightings and Rescue Missions, 219.
15. The best description of the publication history of the book was Valerie Boyd’s interview with Toni Morrison, who served as Bambara’s editor on the manuscript, “ ‘She was just outrageously brilliant’: Toni Morrison Remembers Toni Cade Bambara,” in Holmes and Wall, Savoring the Salt: The Legacy of Toni Cade Bambara, 88–99. As Morrison recounted, Bambara left the manuscript finished upon her death, but at a length of approximately 2,000 pages. After twelve rounds of editing, Morrison cut it down to the nearly 700-page version published by Random House in 1996.
16. Marable, Race, Reform and Rebellion, 40–85.
17. For a description of how this discourse evolved that uses Atlanta as its site, see Kruse, White Flight. For the framing of resistance to civil rights as the rights of property owners and free choice in the North, see Freund, Colored Property.
18. Smethhurst, The Black Arts Movement.
19. Bambara, The Black Woman; Baraka and Neal, Black Fire.
20. Lee, Urban Triage, 4.
21. See Ferguson, Aberrations in Black, 112–19.
22. Quoted in Morgana and Anzaldúa, This Bridge Called My Back, 210.
23. Hong, The Ruptures of American Capital, xxiv.
24. Morgana and Anzaldúa, This Bridge Called My Back. Given my thesis about the ability of liberal multiculturalism to replace the new knowledges produced by social movements with literary multiculturalism, there is a world of irony in the fact that This Bridge has institutionalized the most studied version of women-of-color feminism.
25. Ferguson, Aberrations in Black, 132–33.
26. Moraga, introduction to This Bridge Called My Back, xvii.
28. Schlesinger, Disuniting of America, 97.
29. Ibid., 97–98.
30. On the conflict between liberal multiculturalism and radical multiculturalism as a hidden conflict submerged within the canon debates, see Sharpe, “Postcolonial Studies in the House of U.S. Multiculturalism,” in Schwarz and Ray, A Companion to Postcolonial Studies, 112–25.
31. At the time of this writing, Houghton Mifflin plans to use this slogan in its print and web promotion of the sixth edition of the Heath Anthology.
32. Lauter, Heath Anthology of American Literature, 1st ed., vol. 1., xxxiv.
33. Bryson, Making Multiculturalism, 29.
34. Lee, Urban Triage, xii–xxx.
35. Baldwin, The Evidence of Things Not Seen, 124.
36. For the most thorough reconstruction and analysis of Bambara’s presence and work in Atlanta in the period, see Grady-Willis, Challenging U.S. Apartheid, 199–205.
37. Holmes, “Poised for the Light,” 20.
38. The best account of the influence of the case on local and national racial politics is in Headley, The Atlanta Youth Murders and the Politics of Race.
39. Lopez, “The City It Always Wanted to Be,” 267.
40. In 1985, civil rights lawyers William Kunstler and Alan Dershowitz called for the case to be reopened after the airing of an ABC miniseries that called the state’s theory of the case into question. More recently, in 2005, the sheriff of Dekalb County reopened the five murder cases in his jurisdiction on the basis that evidence of Klan involvement had been suppressed at Williams’s trial. Although Dekalb County has since reclosed its cases, in its March 27, 2008, edition, Atlanta’s leading independent black newspaper, the Atlanta Voice, published an editorial promising to reinvestigate the murders.
41. Barbara, Those Bones Are Not My Child, 3.
42. Headley, The Atlanta Youth Murders and the Politics of Race, 63–66.
43. Gordon, “Something More Powerful than Skepticism,” 256.
3. MAKING GLOBAL CITIZENS
1. National Security Strategy of the United States of America, 2002, introduction.
2. Ibid., 3.
3. Ibid., 17.
4. See Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, 89–92.
5. See Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, 14–21.
6. The recent global crisis in financial and banking systems has led to the mainstream reassessment of neoliberalism for the first time in thirty years. The crisis has cast doubt on the drive to deregulate, the superiority of free markets over governments for managing social life, and the financialization of everything, that is, the increasing emphasis on speculative capitalism. It is not clear how the crisis will be managed and whether or not it will deepen, displace, or revise neoliberalism. In any case, it is clear that neoliberal utopianism has lost its sheen. Although this reassessment may weaken neoliberal multiculturalism as a social philosophy, neoliberal multicultural racialization procedures have been written on the ground, as it were, in the processes of internalization/externalization that drive social reproduction and in the subject formation of persons. For this reason neoliberal multiculturalism as a racial formation, in some form and to some degree, will continue to operate into the future in specific ways and locations within states, global regions, and territorialities of global capitalism.
7. Spivak, “Poststructuralism, Marginality, Postcoloniality and Value,” 222.
8. See MADRE’s position paper at
9. Ibid., Part III, sentence 1.
10. In The Threat of Race, David Theo Goldberg describes “racelessness” as neoliberalism’s “cultural corollary”: “In one sense, the perfect representative and outcome of expansionist globalizing space-time-compression, racelessness came to conjure the cultural corollary for emergent neoliberal political economies” (331). I believe Goldberg’s “racelessness” captures the formalized and abstracted multiculturalism I identify as the “spirit of neoliberalism.” I refer the reader to Goldberg’s astute description of deregulated racisms—curtained off from the public domain but privatized and allowed free reign in domains of individual choice—as an alternative and complementary way of understanding these contradictions.
11. Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, 11.
12. See Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism; Sassen, Globalization and Its Discontents and Territory, Authority, Rights; Stiglitz, Globalization and Its Discontents; and Goldberg, The Threat of Race.
13. Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, 6.
14. The National Security Strategy of the United States of America, 2002.
15. Ibid., 15.
16. Ibid., 1.
18. Lovato, “Juan Crow in Georgia.”
19. Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, 79.
20. Singh, Black Is a Country, 223.
21. I thank Chandan Reddy for this formulation.
22. Cornell Belcher, quoted in “Near-flawless Run Is Credited in Victory,” New York Times, November 5, 2008.
23. Ong, Neoliberalism as Exception, 155.
24. Buff, “The Undergraduate Railroad: Undocumented Immigrant Students and Public Universities.”
25. Newfield, Unmaking the Public University.
26. Prashad, “The Global War against Teachers,” 16.
27. Schueller, “Area Studies and Multicultural Imperialism: The Project of Decolonizing Knowledge.”
28. Ibid., 51.
29. Ibid., 51.
30. I thank an anonymous reader for the University of Minnesota Press for this observation.
31. “Laura Bush’s Literary Salon,” New York Times, October 10, 2002, opinion section.
36. See Rowe, “Reading Lolita in Tehran in Idaho” for an astute situating of Azar Nafisi within neoconservative networks of institutional support and think tanks and for an excellent analysis of Reading “Lolita” in Tehran as an example of how neoliberal discourse is being deployed by neoconservatives.
37. Fatemeh Keshavarz picks up on Dabashi’s critique by choosing an image of two smiling Iranian women in sunglasses and hijab holding protest signs for the cover of her own memoir, Jasmine and Stars: Reading More than “Lolita” in Tehran.
38. The fact that the Islamic Cultural Ministry published Nafisi’s full-length monograph on Nabokov in 1994 calls into question the oppositions in place here.
39. The fact that Great Books discourse has become actively ideological in a new way can be tracked in reviews that praise Reading “Lolita” in Tehran for its effectiveness as Great Books literary criticism and information retrieval (newly possible without contradiction, as the Native Informant wields the universal). As the Christian Science Monitor puts it in a blurb included in the 2004 trade paper edition, “The memoir makes a case for reading the classics of Western literature no matter where you are. … [Nafisi’s] perspective on her students’ plight … will provide valuable insights to anyone interested in international events.”
40. Ebadi, “In the Name of the God of Creation and Wisdom.”
41. Jordan, “Moving towards Home,” in Living Room, 132.
42. Keith Feldman is in the process of reconstructing the historical and activist context of “Moving towards Home,” which was first delivered at a 1982 UNICEF fundraiser for the children of Lebanon, co-organized by Jordan. Feldman’s larger project, much in sympathy with mine, is to investigate what Jordan’s Palestine reveals about the incapacities of post-1945 human rights models and the new cartographies of power taking shape in the 1980s, which Feldman identifies as “the interlocking forces of neocolonialism, racialized patriarchies, incorporative logics of multiculturalism, shifts in capitalist accumulation and severe state repression.” Keith P. Feldman, “June Jordan’s Palestine and the Poetics of Relation in a World on Fire,” talk delivered at the University of California–Riverside Critical Ethnic Studies and the Futures of Genocide Conference, March 11, 2011.
43. Winant, The World Is a Ghetto.
1. Harvey, A Brief History of Neoliberalism, 156.
2. Mander and Tauli-Corpuz, Paradigm Wars, 3.
3. Ibid., 3.
4. Reddy, “Globality and the Ends of the Nation-form: A Response to Edward Watts,” 474.
5. Weinbaum, Wayward Reproductions, 5.
6. In “On the Jewish Question,” Marx described the inextricable link between the political emancipation of the citizen and the apotheosis of private property. The state/property bind organizes capitalist democracy so that political equality ensures conditions of actual inequality by insulating public political terrain (representative democracy) from the real conditions of private material life and grounding the legitimacy of the state in its guarantee of capitalist property relations. Updating Marx’s thinking for globalization and the global resource wars, numerous binds can be determined that overdetermine conditions that vouchsafe land as alienable and delegitimize collective rights: an individual/property bind complements the state/property bind in that it vests the individual (or corporate individual) as the normative locus of property ownership, subject only to the eminent domain of the state. Also, a state/rights bind and an individual/rights bind work together to define rights as a cognate of property; they are guaranteed by the state, in the case of citizenship rights, and accrue only to individuals, in the case of human rights.
7. U.S. National Park Service, “Bear Paw Battlefield.”
8. U.S. National Park Service, “Bear Paw Battlefield.” See also Howard, My Life and Experiences among Our Hostile Indians, 254.
9. Wilkinson, Blood Struggle, front matter.
10. Lyng v. Northwest Indian Cemetery Protective Association, 485 U.S. 439 (1988).
11. Taiaiake, “Sovereignty,” 44.
12. The version of UNDRIP that passed the General Assembly was amended from the version of UNDRIP that passed the Human Rights Council as follows: (1) the following addition was made to the first stipulation of Article 26 that nothing in the document could be “construed as authorizing or encouraging any action that would dismember or impair, totally or in part, the territorial integrity or political unity of sovereign and independent states”; and (2) the following clause was struck from the preamble: “Recognizing also that indigenous peoples have the right freely to determine their relationships with States in a spirit of co-existence, mutual benefit and full respect. …”
13. United Nations, United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
14. The right to a spiritual relationship with lands was very close to the strategy pursued by the Onondaga Nation in Onondaga Nation v. New York State, The City of Syracuse, Honeywell International, Inc. et. al. (2005). In this case, the Onondaga Nation argued for indigenous land rights not on the basis of treaty rights or property rights but on the right to care for the land—to make the land healthy—conceived as the cultural duty of the Onondaga Nation. The case centered around Onondaga Lake, one of the most significant places for the Onondaga and the entire Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) League. Dekanahwidah, the Great Peacemaker, rowed across it in a stone canoe bearing the Great Law of Peace, the foundation of the Haudenosaunee League, some eight hundred years ago. Today, Onondaga Lake is a superfund site. The Onondaga Nation sued for the right of the Onondaga people and multicultural, multiracial allies to participate in the well-being of the land. Following the terminology the Onondaga used, this suit was not a land claim but a land rights action, where the right referred to here was the right of the land to be whole rather than a humancentric right to land (with the reciprocal understanding that Onondaga well-being, and indeed all human well-being, depended on the health of the land, air, and water).
15. Choquehuauca, “General Assembly Adopts Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples.”
16. Taiaiake, “Sovereignty,” 48.
17. Womack, “A Single Decade,” 95.
18. Teuton, Red Land, Red Power, 1, 19, 15.
19. In Alexie, The Summer of Black Widows, 94–95.
20. For a truly extraordinary reading of Blood Run as a poem that challenges readers to recognize and engage with indigenous scientific understandings of earthworks technologies and remarkably uncovers a sacred geometry at the base of the poem’s sequencing, stanzas, lines, words, and syllables, see Chadwick Allen, “Serpentine Figures, Sinuous Relations: Thematic Geometry in Allison Hedge Coke’s Blood Run,” American Literature 82, no. 4 (December 2010): 807–34. Especially in his emphasis on how the poem encourages readers to imagine the ongoing persistence and renewal of indigenous worlds by recognizing submerged and patterned levels of human-geological-cosmological significance, my reading shares many affinities with Allen’s.
21. Coke, Blood Run, 17.
22. Oxford English Dictionary, licensed web edition.
24. Teuton, Red Land, Red Power, 23.
1. Here I am working from Ruth Wilson Gilmore’s useful definition of racism: “Racism, specifically, is the state-sanctioned or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death.” See Gilmore, Golden Gulag, 28.
2. For more on neoliberal racialism, see Goldberg, The Threat of Race.
3. Stein, “Tea Party Protests,” and Noveck, “Before Health Vote, a Weekend of Ugly Discourse.”
4. Walker, “Glenn Beck to Hold Tea Party Rally on Anniversary of MLK Speech.”
5. Nagourney and Hulse, “Tea Party Pick Causes Uproar on Civil Rights.”
7. Goldberg, The Threat of Race, 77.
8. Ibid., 92.
9. Ibid., 332.
10. Ibid., 344.
11. For general discussion of the political life of emotions (focusing on compassion), see Woodward, “Calculating Compassion.”
12. Lilla, “The Tea Party Jacobins.”
13. O’Neill, The Fire Next Time.
14. Harris-Perry, “Are We All Black Americans Now?”
15. Harvey, The Enigma of Capital and the Crises of Capitalism, 54.
16. See Sullivan, “Prison Economics Help Drive Arizona Immigration Law.”
17. Reddy, “Globality and the Ends of the Nation-Form,” 474.
18. Ibid., 475.
19. See Ferguson, “Race,” in Keywords for American Cultural Studies, 192–95.
20. See Spivak, “They the People.”
21. Kristof, “Books over Beer.”
22. Akpan, “An Ex-mas Feast,” in Say You’re One of Them.
23. Moraga and Anzaldúa, This Bridge Called My Back, iv.