Notes

1. James Baldwin, “Letters from a Journey,” Harper’s Magazine, May 1963, 48. Hereafter cited in the text.

2. See Magdalena J. Zambrowska, James Baldwin’s Turkish Decade: Erotics of Exile (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2009).

3. Nabile Farès and Peter Thompson, “James Baldwin: A 1970 Interview,” Transition 105 (2011): 66.

4. James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time (1963; repr., New York: Vintage International, 1993), 30.

5. Fred L. Standley and Louis H. Pratt, eds., Conversations with James Baldwin (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1989), 86. Baldwin did tour the continent briefly in the spring of 1962, though he never published substantively about it. My thanks to Ed Pavlić for this clarification.

6. James Baldwin, “Open Letter to the Born Again,” Nation 229, no. 9 (1979): 264.

7. Margaret Mead and James Baldwin, A Rap on Race (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1971), 193.

8. Ibid.

9. Margaret Mead and James Baldwin, A Rap on Race (New York: CMS Records, 1972).

1. Quoted in Warren Bass, Support Any Friend: Kennedy’s Middle East and the Making of the U.S.-Israel Alliance (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 183. Kennedy’s sale of Hawk short-range antiaircraft missiles broke with the precedent of previous administrations and inaugurated what would become a long-standing U.S. commitment to providing Israel large-scale military aid. See Abraham Ben-Zvi, John F. Kennedy and the Politics of Arms Sales to Israel (London: Routledge, 2002).

2. “A conjuncture is a period during which the different social, political, economic and ideological contradictions that are at work in society come together to give it a specific and distinctive shape. . . . As I see it, history moves from one conjuncture to another rather than being an evolutionary flow. And what drives it forward is usually a crisis, when the contradictions that are always at play in any historical moment are condensed, or, as Althusser said, ‘fuse in a ruptural unity.’ Crises are moments of potential change, but the nature of their resolution is not given” (Stuart Hall and Doreen Massey, “Interpreting the Crisis,” Soundings 44, no. 1 [2010]: 57).

3. Sohail Daulatzai, Black Star, Crescent Moon: The Muslim International and Black Freedom beyond America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012); Jodi Kim, Ends of Empire: Asian American Critique and the Cold War (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010); Jodi Melamed, Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011); Chandan Reddy, Freedom with Violence: Race, Sexuality, and the U.S. State (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2011); and Dylan Rodríguez, Forced Passages: Imprisoned Radical Intellectuals and the U.S. Prison Regime (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006).

4. See Warren Bass, Support Any Friend: Kennedy’s Middle East and the Making of the U.S.-Israel Alliance (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003).

5. Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 2009). On the rich forms of Holocaust memory among American Jews prior to 1960, see Hasia Diner, We Remember with Reverence and Love: American Jews and the Myth of Silence after the Holocaust, 1945–1962 (New York: New York University Press, 2010).

6. Cynthia Young, Soul Power: Culture, Radicalism, and the Making of U.S. Third World Left (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2006); Vijay Prashad, The Darker Nations: A People’s History of the Third World (New York: New Press, 2007).

7. On the “permanently temporary” structure to the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories, see Eyal Weizman, Hollow Land: Israel’s Architecture of Occupation (London: Verso, 2007).

8. On the global contours of 1968, see Jeremi Suri, Power and Protest: Global Revolution and the Rise of Détente (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003); and Immanuel Wallerstein, “1968, Revolution in the World-System: Theses and Queries,” in The Essential Wallerstein (New York: New Press, 2000), 355–73.

9. Adi Ophir et al., eds., The Power of Inclusive Exclusion: Anatomy of Israeli Rule in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2009).

10. Alex Lubin, Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Imaginary (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014).

11. Peter Gowan, The Global Gamble: Washington’s Faustian Bid for World Dominance (London: Verso, 1999), 19–38.

12. Timothy Mitchell, Carbon Democracy: Political Power in the Age of Oil (London: Verso, 2011), 11.

13. Fredric Jameson, Postmodernism, or The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1991), xx.

14. See Nikhil Pal Singh, “Racial Formation in an Age of Permanent War,” in Racial Formation in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Daniel HoSang et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 276–301.

15. Ann Laura Stoler, Race and the Education of Desire: Foucault’s History of Sexuality and the Colonial Order of Things (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1995), 62.

16. Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the Collège De France, 1975–1976, ed. Mauro Bertani and Alessandro Fontana, trans. David Macey (New York: Picador, 2003), 46.

17. Michelle Mart, Eye on Israel: How America Came to View Israel as an Ally (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007), 176.

18. The most nuanced cultural histories of the emergence of this attachment in the post–World War II period are Mart, Eye on Israel; and Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East, 1945–2000 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001). On their prefiguration in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Lawrence Davidson, America’s Palestine: Popular and Official Perceptions from Balfour to Israeli Statehood (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2001); Ussama Makdisi, Artillery of Heaven: American Missionaries and the Failed Conversion of the Middle East (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2009); Hilton Obenzinger, American Palestine: Melville, Twain, and the Holy Land Mania (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999); and Steven Salaita, The Holy Land in Transit: Colonialism and the Quest for Canaan (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2006). On the framing of this attachment from an Israeli perspective, see Tom Segev, Elvis in Jerusalem: Post-Zionism and the Americanization of Israel (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2002).

19. On the vision and repression of multiracial democracy, see Manning Marable, Race, Reform, and Rebellion: The Second Reconstruction and Beyond in Black America, 1945–2006 (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2007).

20. On settler colonial orders to the racialized differential of labor in the early twentieth century, see Gershon Shafir, Land, Labor, and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

21. Edward W. Said, “Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Victims,” Social Text 1 (1979): 7–58.

22. See, for instance, Laurence J. Silberstein, The Postzionism Debates: Knowledge and Power in Israeli Culture (New York: Routledge, 1999); Oren Yiftachel, Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Gershon Shafir, Land, Labor, and the Origins of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, 1882–1914 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); Nadia Abu El-Haj, Facts on the Ground: Archaeological Practice and Self-Fashioning in Israel Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Gil Z. Hochberg, In Spite of Partition: Jews, Arabs, and the Limits of Separatist Imagination (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007); Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal, The Palestinian People: A History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003); and Ella Shohat, Taboo Memories, Diasporic Voices (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2006).

23. See John J. Mearsheimer and Stephen M. Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007).

24. Even focusing on the Holocaust, comparative memory, Israel, and the United States, the following is only a small sample: Marianne Hirsch, The Generation of Postmemory: Writing and Visual Culture after the Holocaust (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012); Novick, Holocaust in American Life; Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009); Idith Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust and the Politics of Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

25. Again, here is a small sliver of a burgeoning field affecting my own argument. See John Collins, Global Palestine (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); Rochelle Davis, Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011); Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (Boston: Beacon, 2006); Walid Khalidi, All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948 (Washington, D.C.: Institute for Palestine Studies, 1992); Laleh Khalili, Time in the Shadows: Confinement in Counterinsurgencies (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2013); Are J. Knudsen and Sari Hanafi, eds., Palestinian Refugees: Identity, Space, and Place in the Levant (London: Routledge, 2011); Ronit Lentin, ed., Thinking Palestine (London: Zed Books, 2008); Joseph Massad, The Persistence of the Palestinian Question: Essays on Zionism and the Palestinians (London: Routledge, 2006); Adi Ophir et al., eds., The Power of Inclusive Exclusion: Anatomy of Israeli Rule in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (New York: Zone Books, 2009); Julie Peteet, Landscapes of Hope and Despair: Palestinian Refugee Camps (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005); Elia Zureik et al., eds., Surveillance and Control in Israel/Palestine: Population, Territory, and Power (London: Routledge, 2011).

26. Along with scholarship already cited, see Brian Edwards, Morocco Bound: Disorienting America’s Maghreb, from Casablanca to the Marrakech Express (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005); Zareena Grewal, Islam Is a Foreign Country: American Muslims and the Global Crisis of Authority (New York: New York University Press, 2014); Carol Fadda-Conrey, Contemporary Arab-American Literature: Transnational Reconfigurations of Citizenship and Belonging (New York: New York University Press, 2014).

27. On an important theorization of this dynamic, see Amy Kaplan, “Manifest Domesticity,” American Literature 70, no. 3 (1998): 581–606. On the multiple valences of domesticity for indigenous American writers in the ambit of U.S. settler colonialism, see Beth H. Piatote, Domestic Subjects: Gender, Citizenship, and Law in Native American Literature (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2013).

28. See, for instance, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “Fatal Couplings of Power and Difference: Notes on Racism and Geography,” Professional Geographer 54, no. 1 (2002): 15–24; George Lipsitz, How Racism Takes Place (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2011); and Katherine McKittrick, Demonic Grounds: Black Women and the Cartographies of Struggle (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006).

29. Mike Davis, City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles (London: Verso, 1991); Eric Avila, Popular Culture in the Age of White Flight: Fear and Fantasy in Suburban Los Angeles (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006).

30. Kim, Ends of Empire; Greg Grandin, Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York: Holt, 2007).

31. Stephen Graham, Cities under Siege: The New Military Urbanism (London: Verso, 2010); Derek Gregory, The Colonial Present: Afghanistan, Palestine, and Iraq (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2004).

32. Obenzinger, America’s Palestine; Makdisi, Artillery of Heaven.

33. Salaita, Holy Land in Transit, 15.

34. Peteet, Landscape of Hope and Despair.

35. Lisa Cacho, Social Death: Racialized Rightlessness and the Criminalization of the Unprotected (New York: New York University Press, 2012), 18.

36. See Shu Mei-Shih, “Comparative Racialization: An Introduction,” PMLA 123, no. 5 (2008): 1347–62.

37. On desedimentation, see Nahum Dimitri Chandler, X: The Problem of the Negro as a Problem for Thought (New York: Fordham University Press, 2014).

38. David Theo Goldberg, “Racial Comparisons, Relational Racisms: Some Thoughts on Method,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 32, no. 7 (2009): 1276. See also Natalia Molina, How Race Is Made in America: Immigration, Citizenship, and the Historical Power of Racial Scripts (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014); and Alexander G. Weheliye, Habeus Viscus: Racializing Assemblages, Biopolitics, and Black Feminist Theories of the Human (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2014).

39. Robert Stam and Ella Shohat, Race in Translation: Culture Wars and the Postcolonial Atlantic (New York: New York University Press, 2012).

40. Howard Winant, The World Is a Ghetto: Race and Democracy since World War II (New York: Basic Books, 2001).

41. See Mark Mazower, Governing the World: The History of an Idea (New York: Penguin, 2012); and Robert Meister, After Evil: A Politics of Human Rights (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011).

42. On a rich elaboration of such an approach, see Stam and Shohat, Race in Translation.

43. Here I am considering, in particular, Paul Berman, ed., Blacks and Jews: Alliances and Arguments (New York: Delacorte, 1994); Emily Miller Budick, Blacks and Jews in Literary Conversation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); Hasia R. Diner, In the Almost Promised Land: American Jews and Blacks, 1915–1935 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995); Seth Forman, Blacks in the Jewish Mind: A Crisis of Liberalism (New York: New York University Press, 1998); Ethan Goffman, Imagining Each Other: Blacks and Jews in Contemporary American Literature (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000); Cheryl Lynn Greenberg, Troubling the Waters: Black-Jewish Relations in the American Century (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006); Michael Lerner and Cornel West, Jews and Blacks: Let the Healing Begin (New York: GP Putnam’s Sons, 1995); Jack Salzman and Cornel West, eds., Struggles in the Promised Land: Toward a History of Black-Jewish Relations in the United States (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997); and Eric J. Sundquist, Strangers in the Land: Blacks, Jews, Post-Holocaust America (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005).

44. Nadine Naber, Arab America: Gender, Cultural Politics, and Activism (New York: New York University Press, 2012); Moustafa Bayoumi, How Does It Feel to Be a Problem? Being Young and Arab in America (New York: Penguin, 2009); Amira Jarmakani, Imagining Arab Womanhood: The Cultural Mythology of Veils, Harems, and Belly Dancers in the U.S. (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Evelyn Alsultany, Arabs and Muslims in the Media: Race and Representation after 9/11 (New York: New York University Press, 2012); Sarah M. A. Gualtieri, Between Arab and White: Race and Ethnicity in the Early Syrian American Diaspora (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009).

45. Ann Laura Stoler and Carole McGranahan, “Refiguring Imperial Terrains,” in Imperial Formations, ed. Ann Laura Stoler, Carole McGranahan, and Peter C. Perdue (Santa Fe, N.M.: School for Advanced Research Press, 2007), 15.

46. As I demonstrate in chapter 1, this point has been powerfully argued—and persistently misread—since at least 1965. Recent iterations of this claim include Patrick Wolfe, “Settler Colonialism and the Elimination of the Native,” Journal of Genocide Research 8, no. 4 (2006): 387–409; Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); and Collins, Global Palestine.

47. Etienne Balibar, “Racism and Nationalism,” in Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities (London: Verso, 1991), 37–67.

48. Melamed, Represent and Destroy.

49. Quoted in Eve Tavor Bannet, “Analogy as Translation: Wittgenstein, Derrida, and the Law of Language,” New Literary History 28, no. 4 (1997): 655.

50. As Alexander Weheliye compellingly argues, “Not a secondary product of preexisting elements, relation epitomizes the constitutive potentiality of the world activated via the processes of bringing-into-relation. It also differs radically from comparison, since relation offers not tools of measurement but spheres of interconnected existences that are in constant motion” (“After Man,” American Literary History 20, nos. 1–2 [2008]: 331).

51. Achille Mbembe, “Necropolitics,” Public Culture 15, no. 1 (2003): 27.

52. See Paul Gilroy, Against Race: Imagining Political Culture beyond the Color Line (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2000), 54–96.

53. Weheliye, “After Man,” 322.

54. Lisa Lowe, “Insufficient Difference,” Ethnicities 5, no. 3 (2005): 412.

55. “An Interview with Edward W. Said,” boundary 2 20, no. 1 (1993): 3.

56. Carl Schmitt, Political Theology: Four Chapters on the Concept of Sovereignty (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1985), 5.

57. Quoted in Nikhil Singh, “The Afterlife of Fascism,” South Atlantic Quarterly 105, no. 1 (2006): 86.

58. Enzo Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence (New York: New Press, 2003), 54.

59. Ibid., 151.

60. Ibid., 71.

61. Hannah Arendt, Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1973), 293.

62. Ibid., 290.

63. Quoted in Gabriel Piterberg, “Zion’s Rebel Daughter: Hannah Arendt on Palestine and Jewish Politics,” New Left Review 48 (2007): 51.

64. Conjunctural analysis, following Lawrence Grossberg, aims to provide a “better understanding of ‘what’s going on,’ through a) seeing knowledge as an act in [rather than a representation of] the world, and b) (re)constructing a context of possibilities . . . for the future disclosed in the present” (Cultural Studies in the Future Tense [Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2010], 57).

1. “Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,” A/RES/3379 (XXX), November 10, 1975.

2. “Decade for Action to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination,” Resolution 2919 (XXVII), November 15, 1972.

3. Sponsored by: (25) Afghanistan, Algeria, Bahrain, Cuba, Dahomey, East Germany, Egypt, Guinea, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Somalia, South Yemen, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen Arab Republic. Voted yes: (72) The twenty-five sponsoring nations and forty-seven other nations: Albania, Bangladesh, Brazil, Bulgaria, Burundi, Byelorussian SSR, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Chad, Cyprus, Czechoslovakia, Democratic Kampuchea, Equatorial Guinea, The Gambia, Grenada, Guinea-Bissau, Guyana, Hungary, India, Indonesia, Iran, Laos, Madagascar, Malaysia, Maldives, Mali, Malta, Mexico, Mongolia, Mozambique, Niger, Nigeria, Pakistan, People’s Republic of China, People’s Republic of the Congo, Poland, Portugal, Rwanda, São Tomé and Príncipe, Senegal, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, Turkey, Uganda, Ukrainian SSR, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia. Voted no: (35) Australia, Austria, Bahamas, Barbados, Belgium, Canada, Central African Republic, Costa Rica, Denmark, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Fiji, Finland, France, Haiti, Honduras, Iceland, Ireland, Israel, Italy, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Luxembourg, Malawi, Netherlands, New Zealand, Nicaragua, Norway, Panama, Swaziland, Sweden, United Kingdom, United States, Uruguay, and West Germany.

4. “Huge Rally Here Condemns U.N. Anti-Zionism Move,” New York Times, November 12, 1975.

5. H. Con 475, “Providing for Condemnation of Resolution of U.N. General Assembly Equating Zionism with Racism and Providing for Hearings to Reassess Further U.S. Participation in U.N. General Assembly,” November 11, 1975.

6. See Gil Troy, Moynihan’s Moment: America’s Fight against Zionism as Racism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2012), 158–82.

7. “Shame of the U.N.,” New York Times, November 13, 1975.

8. “Anti-Zionism Resolution: An Attack on the U.N.,” New York Times, December 2, 1975. The authors included Martin Arroyo, Betty Friedan, Bayard Rustin, Leonard Bernstein, Beverly Sills, and James Michener.

9. Saturday Night Live, November 15, 1975.

10. “Zionism and Judaism,” Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, November 22, 1975.

11. “Zionism: Enemy of the Jews,” originally published in Palestine in Struggle, a newsletter of the Canada-Palestine Solidarity Association; Sharif Kanaana, “Survival Strategies of Arabs in Israel,” originally published in the Middle East Research and Information Project (October 1975); and George J. Tomeh, “Unholy Alliance,” excerpted from Israel and South Africa: The Unholy Alliance (New York: New World Press, 1973).

12. “A Letter from an American Rabbi to an Arab Ambassador,” New York Times, November 23, 1975.

13. A. M. El-Messiri, “Zionism and Racism,” New York Times, November 13, 1975. Having such a spirited defense of the resolution appear in the Paper of Record was notable, as was having it appear directly beneath a typescript replica, replete with signature, of the 1917 Declaration by Arthur J. Balfour.

14. See, for instance, Harris O. Schoenberg, The Adoption and Repeal of the Z=R Resolution and the Implications for UN Reform (Wayne, N.J.: Center for UN Reform Education, 2001).

15. Mark Gerson, The Essential Neoconservative Reader (Reading, Mass.: Addison Wesley, 1996), 40.

16. On the philosophical lineaments of racial liberalism, see Charles Mills, The Racial Contract (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997). Foundational historical scholarship on racial liberalism includes Mary L. Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2002); Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005); Jodi Melamed, Represent and Destroy: Rationalizing Violence in the New Racial Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011); and Sohail Daulatzai, Black Star, Crescent Moon: The Muslim International and Black Freedom beyond America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2012).

17. This line of argument is indebted to Karen Brodkin, How Jews Became White Folks and What That Says about Race in America (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1998); and Eric L. Goldstein, The Price of Whiteness: Jews, Race, and American Identity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006).

18. Hilton Obenzinger, “Naturalizing Cultural Pluralism, Americanizing Zionism: The Settler Colonial Basis to Early-Twentieth-Century Progressive Thought,” South Atlantic Quarterly 107, no. 4 (2008): 651–69; and Victoria Hattam, In the Shadow of Race: Jews, Latinos, and Immigrant Politics in the United States (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007).

19. See Matthew Frye Jacobson, Whiteness of a Different Color: European Immigrants and the Alchemy of Race (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1998), 171–200.

20. Michael Rogin, Blackface, White Noise: Jewish Immigrants in the Hollywood Melting Pot (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).

21. Michael E. Staub, Torn at the Roots: The Crisis of Jewish Liberalism in Postwar America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002).

22. Charter of the League of Nations, Article 22.

23. “Persecution and Discrimination,” Resolution 103(I), November 19, 1946.

24. “Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples,” Resolution 1514 (XV), December 14, 1960.

25. Mark Mazower, No Enchanted Palace: The End of Empire and the Ideological Origins of the United Nations (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2009). See also Mazower, Governing the World: The History of an Idea (New York: Penguin, 2012).

26. Randall Williams, The Divided World: Human Rights and Its Violence (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010).

27. Civil Rights Congress, We Charge Genocide: The Historic Petition to the United Nations for Relief from a Crime of the United States Government against the Negro People, 3rd ed. (New York: Civil Rights Congress, 1952). See also Kimberley L. Phillips, War! What Is It Good for? Black Freedom Struggles and the U.S. Military from World War II to Iraq (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 162.

28. The OAAU, under the brief leadership of Malcolm X, demanded observer status at the UN and mobilized the OAU in 1964 to take up the question of Black freedom in the United States as a problem of human rights. See chapter 2.

29. “Treatment of People of Indian Origin in the Union of South Africa,” Resolution 395(v), December 2, 1950.

30. “Situation in South Africa Resulting from the Policies of Apartheid,” Resolution 3151(xxvii)(g), December 14, 1973.

31. Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009); Peter Novick, The Holocaust in American Life (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1999); Idith Zertal, Israel’s Holocaust and the Politics of Nationhood (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); Tom Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust (New York: Owl, 2000).

32. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich, 1973), 7.

33. See, for instance, Gil Anidjar, The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2003); Lewis Gordon, Ramón Grosfoguel, and Eric Mielants, “Global Anti-Semitism in World-Historical Perspective,” Human Architecture: Journal of the Sociology of Self-Knowledge 7, no. 2 (2009): 1–14.

34. Institute of Human Relations, As the UN Probes Prejudice: Observations on the United Nations Inquiry into Anti-Semitism and Other Forms of Religious and Racial Prejudice (New York: American Jewish Committee, 1960). Hereafter cited in the text.

35. David Caplovitz and Candance Rogers, Swastika 1960: The Epidemic of Anti-Semitic Vandalism in America (New York: Anti-Defamation League of B’nai B’rith, 1961).

36. Quoted in Stuart Svonkin, Jews against Prejudice: American Jews and the Fight for Civil Liberties (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 184.

37. Thomas Wheatland, The Frankfurt School in Exile (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009), 235.

38. Quoted in Wheatland, Frankfurt School, 236.

39. The UN adopted the “Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief” in 1981. See A/RES/36/55, November 25, 1981.

40. Egon Schwelb, “The International Convention of the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination,” International and Comparative Law Quarterly 15 (1966): 999.

41. Yohanan Manor, To Right a Wrong: The Revocation of UN General Assembly Resolution 3379 Defaming Zionism (New York: Schreiber Shengold Publishing, 1996), 6.

42. Michael Banton, International Action against Racial Discrimination (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), 60.

43. Ibid., 61.

44. See “Palestine National Charter,” in The Israel-Arab Reader: A Documentary History, ed. Walter Lacquer and Barry Rubin (New York: Penguin, 2008), 119.

45. Paul Thomas Chamberlin, The Global Offensive: The United States, the Palestine Liberation Organization, and the Making of the Post–Cold War Order (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013).

46. Sabri Jiryis and Salah Qallab, “The Palestine Research Center,” Journal of Palestine Studies 14, no. 4 (1985): 185–87.

47. Thomas Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1991), 159.

48. Friedman claims that the Palestine Research Center was one of two key targets of the Israeli invasion in 1982—the other being the refugee camps at Sabra and Shatila.

49. In chapter 5, I elaborate on this historical moment as part of a broader ideological link between the genocidal violence in the camps and the epistemicide committed to the PRC’s destruction.

50. Fayez Sayegh’s brothers, Anis and Yusuf, also took substantive roles in the Palestine Research Center’s leadership, with Anis directing the center after his elder brother’s departure; Yusuf’s wife, Rosemary Sayigh, became a groundbreaking ethnographer of Palestinian refugee experiences.

51. In chapter 2 I discuss a transposed version of this pamphlet in the context of its entrance into debates about the anticolonial contours of the Black Power movement.

52. Fayez A. Sayegh, Zionist Colonialism in Palestine (Beirut: Palestine Liberation Organization Research Center, 1965), v. Hereafter cited in the text.

53. Fayez A. Sayegh, Palestine, Israel, and Peace (Beirut: Palestine Liberation Organization Research Center, 1970), 22. Hereafter cited in the text.

54. Hasan Sa’b, Zionism and Racism (Beirut: Palestine Liberation Organization Research Center, 1968). Hereafter cited in the text.

55. Einstein registered his own critique of the state in a letter he cosigned to the New York Times that highlighted the fascist dimensions of the new state’s hard-right “Freedom Party,” whose leader, Menachim Begin, was scheduled to visit the United States. “The New Palestine Party,” New York Times, December 4, 1948.

56. For more on the Kallen–Cohen debate, see chapter 3.

57. “The United Nations Has Condemned Zionism; The United Nations Has Not Condemned Judaism,” New York Times, November 21, 1975.

58. Fayez A. Sayegh, “Statement Made at the 2134th Meeting of the Third (Social, Humanitarian & Cultural) Committee of the General Assembly on 17 October 1975,” in Zionism: “A Form of Racism and Racial Discrimination”; Four Statements Made at the U.N. General Assembly (New York: Office of the Permanent Observer of the Palestine Liberation Organization to the United Nations, 1976), 14. Hereafter cited in the text.

59. Ian F. Haney-Lopéz, “‘A Nation of Minorities’: Race, Ethnicity, and Reactionary Colorblindness,” Stanford Law Review 59, no. 4 (2007): 1009.

60. See Herbert J. Gans, “The Moynihan Report and Its Aftermaths,” Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 8, no. 2 (2011): 315–27; Daniel Geary, “Racial Liberalism, the Moynihan Report, and the Daedelus Project on ‘The Negro American,’” Daedelus 140, no. 1 (2011): 53–66; and Kevin J. Mumford, “Untangling Pathology: The Moynihan Report and Homosexual Damage, 1965–1975,” Journal of Policy History 24, no. 1 (2012): 53–73.

61. “The Negro Family: The Case for National Action,” printed with original page numbers in The Moynihan Report and the Politics of Controversy, ed. Lee Rainwater and William L. Yancey (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1967), 5. Hereafter cited in the text.

62. See Daulatzai, Black Star, Crescent Moon.

63. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “United States in Opposition,” Commentary 59, no. 3 (1975): 42.

64. On “benign neglect,” see Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “Toward a National Urban Policy,” Public Interest 17 (1969): 8–9.

65. Moynihan, “United States in Opposition,” 41, 44.

66. Quoted in John Ehrman, The Rise of Neoconservatism: Intellectuals and Foreign Affairs, 1945–1994 (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 84.

67. Quoted in Daniel Patrick Moynihan, with Suzanne Weaver, A Dangerous Place (Boston: Little, Brown, 1978), 153–54. Hereafter cited in the text.

68. Tom Buckley, “Brawler at the U.N.,” New York Times Magazine, December 7, 1975, 32, 107–13.

69. Lewis’s “historical approach” reveals the post–World War II emergence of a “distinctive Palestinian entity” as “the joint creation of Israel and the Arab states—the one by extruding the Arabs of Palestine, the others by refusing to accept them.” Bernard Lewis, “The Palestinians and the PLO: A Historical Approach,” Commentary 59, no. 1 (1975): 33. Subsequent extensive scholarship on Palestinian nationalism suggests much deeper historical roots. See, for instance, Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal, The Palestinian People: A History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003).

70. Sayegh agreed. “By this diversionary trick he evaded answering the question: Does the definition of ‘racial discrimination’ adopted by the United Nations apply to Zionism or does it not?” (reply to DPM, 38).

71. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “Statement by Ambassador Daniel P. Moynihan, United States Representative to the United Nations, in Plenary, in explanation of vote on the resolution equating Zionism with racism and racial discrimination,” in The Essential Neoconservative Reader, ed. Mark Gerson (Reading, Mass.: Addison Wesley, 1996), 96. Hereafter cited in the text.

72. Moynihan would continue to reflect on the power of language in several subsequent publications. See “A Diplomat’s Rhetoric,” Harpers 252, no. 1508 (1976): 40–43; “Words and Foreign Policy,” Policy Review 6 (1978): 69–71; and “Further Thoughts on Words and Foreign Policy,” Policy Review 8 (1979): 53–59.

73. Ernie Meyer, “Detente Dangerous—Moynihan: ‘Israel a Metaphor for Democracy,’” Jerusalem Post, July 6, 1976.

74. Norman Podhoretz Papers, 1950–1986, MSS60103, box 2, Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

75. Daniel P. Moynihan, “Address by Daniel P. Moynihan at the Convocation of the Hebrew University Jerusalem” (Jerusalem, Israel, July 5, 1976), 17.

76. See Melani McAlister, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East since 1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 181–87.

77. Daniel P. Moynihan, “Remarks by Daniel P. Moynihan, Weizmann Institute of Science Dinner” (New York Hilton Hotel, New York City, October 18, 1976), 4.

78. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “The Totalitarian Terrorists,” New York Magazine, July 26, 1976, 38.

79. See, for instance, David C. Wills, The First War on Terrorism: Counter-terrorism Policy during the Reagan Administration (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003).

80. Zionism and Racism: Proceedings of an International Symposium (Tripoli, Libya: International Organization against All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 1977), vii.

81. Edward W. Said, “Intellectual Origins of Imperialism and Zionism,” in Zionism and Racism, 129.

82. Ibid.

83. Fayez Sayegh, “Racism and Racial Discrimination Defined,” International Organization for the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (EAFORD) 27 (1982): 1. Hereafter cited in the text.

84. See Sasha Polakow-Suransky, The Unspoken Alliance: Israel’s Secret Relationship with Apartheid South Africa (New York: Vintage, 2011).

85. See “Elimination of Racism and Racial Discrimination,” A/RES/46/86, December 16, 1991.

86. George Bush, “Address to the Forty-Sixth Session of the United Nations General Assembly in New York City” (September 23, 1991), www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=20012.

87. Barack Obama, “Remarks by the President at AIPAC Policy Conference” (March 4, 2012), www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/03/04/remarks-president-aipac-policy-conference-0.

88. This line of argument has been most thoroughly developed by the legal scholar Kenneth Marcus, who spent much of the 2000s serving as assistant secretary of education for civil rights, and then staff director of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights. Marcus calls the new anti-Semitism a set of “reracialization processes that stigmatize Jews as morally blameworthy and that mark them for reprisal.” The Office of Civil Rights, which circulated a letter in 2004 asserting that, while investigations into religious discrimination were outside its purview, it would nevertheless look into cases of what it calls “racial or ethnic harassment against Muslim, Sikh, and Jewish students.” See Marcus, Jewish Identity and Civil Rights in America (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

89. Chandan Reddy, Freedom with Violence: Race, Sexuality, and the US State (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2011).

1. Fayez Sayegh, Do You Know? Twenty Basic Facts about the Palestine Problem (Beirut: Palestine Research Center, Palestine Liberation Organization, 1966).

2. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, “New SNCC Officers,” SNCC Newsletter 1, no. 2 (1967): 6.

3. Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, “Third World Round-up: The Palestine Problem: Test Your Knowledge,” SNCC Newsletter 1, no. 2 (1967): 4.

4. “Racism is the state-sanctioned and/or extralegal production and exploitation of group-differentiated vulnerability to premature death” (Ruth Wilson Gilmore, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007], 247).

5. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Fifty Years After” (1903), in The Souls of Black Folk: Essays and Sketches (New York: Blue Heron, 1953), xi.

6. David Hilliard and Donald Weise, eds., The Huey P. Newton Reader (New York: Seven Stories, 2002), 137.

7. Jack O’Dell, “The July Rebellions and the ‘Military State,’” in Climbin’ Jacob’s Ladder: The Black Freedom Movement Writings of Jack O’Dell, ed. Nikhil Pal Singh (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 154–55.

8. Nikhil Pal Singh distinguishes the “long civil rights era” from what he calls the dominant national narrative of the “short civil rights era,” 1955–65. The short civil rights narrative focuses on a liberal capitalist, domestic, and integrationist struggle, contained in the U.S. south, and culminates in the federal passage of civil rights and voting rights legislation. The arc of the long civil rights era, by contrast, emerges as early as the 1930s and continues into the 1970s, has an internationalist lens shaped by anticolonial, liberationist, and anticapitalist movements, and views struggles for black freedom in the United States as part of a broader global struggle. See Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004), 5–6.

9. My thinking has been influenced by the flourishing scholarship in African American studies that has charted Black internationalism. See, for instance, Mary Dudziak, Cold War Civil Rights: Race and the Image of American Democracy (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Brent Hayes Edwards, The Practice of Diaspora: Literature, Translation, and the Rise of Black Internationalism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003); Paul Gilroy, The Black Atlantic: Modernity and Double Consciousness (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993); Robin D. G. Kelley, Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination (New York: Beacon, 2002); Fred Moten, In the Break: The Aesthetics of the Black Radical Tradition (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2003); Brenda Gayle Plummer, A Rising Wind: Black Americans and U.S. Foreign Affairs, 1935–1960 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Cedric J. Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999); Singh, Black Is a Country; Michelle A. Stephens, Black Empire: The Masculine Global Imaginary of Caribbean Intellectuals, 1914–1962 (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005); Penny M. Von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anti-Colonialism, 1937–1957 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1997), and Von Eschen, Satchmo Blows up the World: Jazz Ambassadors Play the Cold War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2004).

10. For elaborations of the pre–World War II history of Afro-Zionism, see Alex Lubin, “Locating Palestine in Pre-1948 Black Internationalism,” Souls: A Critical Journal of Black Politics, Culture, and Society 9, no. 2 (2007): 95–108; and Robert Weisbord, ed., Israel in the Black American Perspective (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1985).

11. David Scott, “The Sovereignty of the Imagination: An Interview with George Lamming,” Small Axe 6, no. 2 (2002): 94.

12. Von Eschen, Race against Empire.

13. Elad Ben-Dror, “Ralph Bunche and the Establishment of Israel,” Israel Affairs 14, no. 3 (2008): 519–37. See also Alex Lubin, Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 78–110.

14. Edwin Hoyt, Paul Robeson, the American Othello (Cleveland: World, 1967), 161.

15. On the process of anticommunist “domestication,” see Von Eschen, Race against Empire and Satchmo Blows Up the World.

16. W. E. B. Du Bois, “Suez,” in The Creative Writings of W. E. B. Du Bois, ed. Herbert Aptheker (White Plains, N.Y.: Kraus-Thomson Organization, 1985), 45–46.

17. Michael W. Williams, “Pan-Africanism and Zionism: The Delusion of Comparability,” Journal of Black Studies 21, no. 3 (1991): 362.

18. James Baldwin, “The Harlem Ghetto: Winter 1948, the Vicious Circle of Frustration and Prejudice,” Commentary 5, no. 2 (1948): 165. Hereafter cited in the text.

19. James Baldwin, “Negroes Are Anti-Semitic Because They’re Anti-White,” New York Times Magazine, April 9, 1967, 27, 135–39, 135. Hereafter cited in the text.

20. Loïc Wacquant, “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration: Rethinking the ‘Race Question’ in the United States,” New Left Review 13 (2002): 52.

21. Ibid., 52.

22. Loïc Wacquant, “Deadly Symbiosis: When Ghetto and Prison Meet and Mesh,” Punishment and Society 3, no. 1 (2001): 112.

23. On the salient cultural work of this formation, see Cynthia Young, Soul Power: Culture, Radicalism, and the Making of a U.S. Third World Left (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2006).

24. For a concise summary of the concept’s history, see Ramón A. Gutiérrez, “Internal Colonialism: An American Theory of Race,” Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 1, no. 2 (2004): 281–95.

25. Harold Cruse, Rebellion or Revolution? (New York: Morrow, 1969), 75.

26. Nikhil Singh, “Negro Exceptionalism: The Antinomies of Harold Cruse,” in Harold Cruse’s The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual Revisited, ed. Jerry Watts (New York: Routledge, 2004), 73–91.

27. Jack H. O’Dell, “A Special Variety of Colonialism,” Freedomways 7, no. 1 (1967): 7–15. In itself, the origins and political trajectories of Freedomways testify to the international and anticolonial landscape of Black freedom struggles. The journal has its origins in Paul Robeson’s newspaper Freedom (1951–55), which, in the midst of heavy pressure from anticommunist forces within the United States, did the work of articulating anticolonial liberation in Africa with social justice movements in the United States. See Von Eschen, Race against Empire, 124; Lawrence Lamphere, “Paul Robeson, Freedom Newspaper, and the Black Press” (PhD diss., Boston College, May 2003), 125; and Ian Rocksborough-Smith, “Bearing the Seeds of Struggle: Freedomways Magazine, Black Leftists, and Continuities in the Freedom Movement” (MA thesis, Simon Fraser University, 2005), 5. In the early 1980s Freedomways routinely published on the question of Palestine and collaborated with the Association of Arab-American University Graduates (AAUG), including a two-issue series on the aftermath of Sabra and Shatila.

28. Eldridge Cleaver, “The Land Question and Black Liberation,” in Eldridge Cleaver: Post-Prison Writings and Speeches, ed. Robert Scheer (New York: Random House, 1969), 57. Hereafter cited in the text.

29. Recent scholarship on Black Power’s specific cultural and political formations has done much to challenge the liberal nationalist narrative of the civil rights movement’s “tragic radicalization.” See especially Eddie S. Glaude Jr., ed., Is It Nation Time? Contemporary Essays on Black Power and Black Nationalism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002); Judson L. Jeffries, ed., Black Power in the Belly of the Beast (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006); Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting ’Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power (New York: Henry Holt, 2006); Joseph, ed., The Black Power Movement: Rethinking the Civil Rights–Black Power Era (New York: Routledge, 2006); Jeffrey O. G. Ogbar, Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2005); Robert O. Self, American Babylon: Race and the Struggle for Postwar Oakland (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2003); Singh, Black Is a Country, 174–211; and Timothy B. Tyson, Radio Free Dixie: Robert F. Williams and the Roots of Black Power (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1999).

30. On Carmichael’s itinerary, see Stokely Carmichael and Ekwueme Michael Thelwell, Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) (New York: Scribner, 2003). See also Peniel E. Joseph, Stokely: A Life (New York: Basic Civitas, 2014), 197–230.

31. Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Vintage, 1967), 5. Hereafter cited in the text.

32. Stone’s remarks come from his New York Review of Books essay on the mammoth 1966 collection The Negro American, which featured Daniel Patrick Moynihan’s scholarly version of the report written for the Johnson administration, “Employment, Income, and the Ordeal of the Negro Family.” Stone was one of the very few Jewish intellectuals in the United States in 1967 to frame the aftermath of the June war in colonial terms. See “Holy War,” New York Review of Books, August 3, 1967, www.nybooks.com/articles/12009.

33. In a stunning inversion of this analogy, the presidential candidate Richard Nixon predicted that “if we allow [the crime wave] to happen, then the city jungle will cease to be a metaphor. It will become a barbaric reality and the brutal society that now flourishes in the core cities . . . will annex the affluent suburbs.” Quoted in Michael W. Flamm, Law and Order: Street Crime, Civil Unrest, and the Crisis of Liberalism in the 1960s (New York: Columbia University Press, 2005), 173.

34. In Racial Formation in the United States, while emphasizing the “Great Transformation” in racial politics in the late 1960s, Michael Omi and Howard Winant regret the “doomed” internal colonial model because it was “an analogy which was politically and not analytically grounded,” a statement that gets reiterated numerous times across the text (46). See also John Liu, “Towards an Understanding of the Internal Colonial Model,” in Counterpoint: Perspectives on Asian America, ed. Emma Gee (Los Angeles: Asian American Studies Center, UCLA, 1976), 160–68; Eva Cherniavksy, “Subaltern Studies in a U.S. Frame,” boundary 2 23, no. 2 (1996): 85–110; Jenny Sharpe, “Is the United States Postcolonial? Transnationalism, Immigration, and Race,” Diaspora 4, no. 2 (1995): 181–99.

35. Jodi A. Byrd, The Transit of Empire: Indigenous Critiques of Colonialism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011), 117–46.

36. Jasbir K. Puar, Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2007), 117.

37. This reading of analogy is informed substantially by Brent Hayes Edwards’s discussion of décalage as it emerges in discourses of black internationalism. For Edwards, décalage “is the kernel of precisely that which cannot be transferred or exchanged, the received biases that refuse to pass over when one crosses the water. It is a changing core of difference; it is the work of ‘differences within unity,’ an unidentifiable point that is incessantly touched and fingered and pressed” (Practice of Diaspora, 14).

38. Martin Luther King Jr., “A Time to Break the Silence,” in A Call to Conscience: The Landmark Speeches of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., ed. Clayborne Carson and Kris Shepard (New York: Warner Books, 2002), 142.

39. Huey P. Newton, “In Defense of Self Defense,” in Off the Pigs! The History and Literature of the Black Panther Party (Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow, 1976), 364–76.

40. See Matthew Frye Jacobson, Roots Too: White Ethnic Revival in Post-Civil Rights America, 222; and Simon Hall, “On the Tail of the Panther: Black Power and the 1967 Convention of the National Conference for New Politics,” Journal of American Studies 37, no. 1 (2003): 59–78.

41. See Watts, Harold Cruse’s The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual Reconsidered.

42. Joseph, Waiting for the Midnight Hour, 183–92.

43. See Ward Churchill and Jim Vander Wall, The COINTELPRO Papers: Documents from the FBI’s Secret War against Dissent in the United States (Boston: South End, 2002).

44. Quoted in Joseph, Waiting for the Midnight Hour, 188.

45. Ibid., 27.

46. Martin Luther King Jr., “Martin Luther King Defines ‘Black Power,’” New York Times Magazine, June 11, 1967, 26–27, 93–98. This essay was reprinted as the first chapter in King’s Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (New York: Harper Row, 1967).

47. “SNCC Anti-Israel Remarks Blasted by Young, Others,” Chicago Daily Defender, August 17, 1967.

48. “S.N.C.C. Charges Israel Atrocities: Black Power Group Attacks Zionism as Conquering Arabs by ‘Massacre,’” New York Times, August 15, 1967.

49. “S.N.C.C. Criticized for Israel Stand: Rights Leaders Score Attack on Jews as ‘Anti-Semitism,’” New York Times, August 16, 1967.

50. Robert G. Weisbord and Richard Kazarian Jr., Israel in the Black American Perspective (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1985), 44.

51. Clayborne Carson, “Black-Jewish Universalism in the Era of Identity Politics,” in Struggles in the Promised Land: Toward a History of Black-Jewish Relations in the United States, ed. Jack Salzman and Cornel West (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 188.

52. Gary E. Rubin, “African Americans and Israel,” in Struggles in the Promised Land, 357–70, 358–59.

53. McAlister, Epic Encounters, 113.

54. Eric Sundquist, Strangers in the Land: Blacks, Jews, Post-Holocaust America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2005), 332.

55. Matthew Quest, “Letters on the Arab-Israeli Dispute in James Forman’s The Making of Black Revolutionaries,” Palestine Solidarity Review (Fall 2004), psreview.org/content/view/29/72/.

56. Joseph, Waiting ’Til the Midnight Hour, 194–95, 334.

57. Carmichael and Thelwell, Ready for Revolution, 558.

58. Carson, In Struggle, 267.

59. Carmichael and Thelwell, Ready for Revolution, 558. Hereafter cited in the text.

60. Carson agrees with this claim, suggesting the text was written “after the Central Committee, meeting in the midst of Israel’s six-day victory over Arab forces in June 1967, requested that SNCC’s research and communications staff investigate the background of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Ethel Minor, editor of SNCC’s newsletter, volunteered for this task, recalling that the committee wanted an ‘objective critique of the facts’” (In Struggle, 267).

61. Sayegh, “Do You Know?”

62. See, for instance, Benny Morris, 1948: A History of the First Arab-Israeli War (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2008); Ilan Pappe, Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine (Oxford: Oneworld, 2007); and Eugene L. Rogan and Avi Shlaim, eds., The War for Palestine: Rewriting the History of 1948 (London: Cambridge University Press, 2001).

63. A classic scholarly critique of Israeli state violence that draws similar structural linkages, published in 1967, is Michael Selzer, The Aryanization of the Jewish State (New York: Black Star, 1967).

64. McAlister, Epic Encounters, 90.

65. Hall, “On the Tail of the Panther: Black Power and the 1967 Convention of the National Conference for New Politics,” 61.

66. Quoted in Joel Wilson, “Invisible Cages: Racialized Politics and the Alliance between the Panthers and the Peace and Freedom Party,” in In Search of the Black Panther Party: New Perspectives on a Revolutionary Movement, ed. Jama Lazerow (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2006), 191.

67. Jacobson, Roots Too, 225.

68. Hall, “On the Tail of the Panther,” 66.

69. Ibid., 67.

70. Jack W. Weinman, “New Politics Is Born,” Jewish Currents 21, no. 11 (1967): 8, 9.

71. Nikhil Pal Singh, “The Black Panthers and the ‘Undeveloped Country’ of the Left,” in The Black Panther Party, Reconsidered, ed. Charles E. Jones (Baltimore, Md.: Black Classic, 1998), 79.

72. Ibid.

73. “October 1966 Black Panther Party Platform and Program: What We Want, What We Believe.” “The Germans are now aiding the Jews in Israel for the genocide of the Jewish people. The Germans murdered six million Jews. The American racist has taken part in the slaughter of over twenty million black people; therefore, we feel that [reparation] is a modest demand that we make.”

74. Robert Self, “The Black Panther Party and the Long Civil Rights Era,” in Lazerow and Williams, In Search of the Black Panther Party, 37.

75. Ibid.

76. Nathan Hare, “A Report on the Pan African Cultural Festival,” Black Scholar: Journal of Black Studies and Research 1, no. 1 (1969): 3.

77. The table of contents of this inaugural issue captures the era’s global frame, including articles by Sékou Touré, “A Dialectical Approach to Culture”; Stokely Carmichael, “Pan-Africanism—Land and Power”; Eldridge Cleaver, “Education and Revolution”; Imamu Ameer Baraka, “A Black Value System”; and Robert Chrisman’s review of The Crisis of the Negro Intellectual, titled “The Crisis of Harold Cruse.” The avant-garde photographer and filmmaker William Klein produced two films documenting this moment in Algiers, Festival Panafricain (1971) and Eldridge Cleaver: Black Panther (1970). See also 1er [i.e. Premier] festival culturel panafricain, Alger, 1969 (Algiers: Éditions Actualité Algérie, [1970]).

78. “African Nations Open Twelve-Day Cultural Festival with Parade through Algiers,” New York Times, July 22, 1969.

79. Hare, “Report on the Pan African Cultural Festival,” 3.

80. McAlister, Epic Encounters, 104. Larry Neal’s definitive 1968 essay defines Black Art as “the aesthetic and spiritual sister of Black Power. . . . One is concerned with the relationship between art and politics; the other with art as politics.”

81. Archie Shepp’s performance in Algiers has recently been rereleased. See Varese Sarabande, Blasé/Live at the Pan-African Festival (2001).

82. According to Kathleen Cleaver, the Black Panther contingent was joined by other “fugitives,” including Byron Booth and Clinton Smith (who had spent time with Cleaver in prison) and James “Akili” and Gwen Patterson and their daughter, Tanya. Cleaver’s history of the International Section of the Party, written in 1983 to fulfill her graduation requirement as a Yale undergraduate, is arguably still the most detailed work on the International Section to date. See Kathleen Neal Cleaver, “Back to Africa: The Evolution of the International Section of the Black Panther Party (1969–1972),” in Jones, Black Panther Party, 211–51. I am indebted to Cleaver for sharing with me her reflections on the Algiers festival.

83. Erika Doss, “‘Revolutionary Art Is a Tool for Liberation’: Emory Douglas and Protest Aesthetics at the Black Panther,” in Liberation, Imagination, and the Black Panther Party: A New Look at the Panthers and Their Legacy, ed. Kathleen Cleaver and George Katsiaficas (London: Routledge, 2001), 179. See also Collete Gaiter, “What Revolution Looks Like: The Work of Black Panther Artist Emory Douglas,” in Black Panther: The Revolutionary Art of Emory Douglas, ed. Sam Durant (New York: Rizzoli, 2007), 96.

84. Singh, Black Is a Country, 203. See also Tim Lake, “The Arm(ing) of the Vanguard, Signify(ing), and Performing the Revolution: The Black Panther Party and Pedagogical Strategies for Interpreting a Revolutionary Life,” in Lazerow and Williams, In Search of the Black Panther Party, 306–23.

85. Douglas provided much of the artwork for the newspaper until it closed in 1979; the content of his work changed significantly after 1973, emphasizing much more the domestic successes of working-class Black people.

86. On the iconography of the Black Panther Party, see Leigh Raiford, Imprisoned in a Luminous Glare: Photography and the African American Freedom Struggle (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2011).

87. Davarian L. Baldwin, “‘Culture Is a Weapon in Our Struggle’: The Black Panther Party and the Cultural Politics of Decolonization,” in Lazerow and Williams, In Search of the Black Panther Party, 300.

88. Cleaver, “Back to Africa,” 213.

89. Ibid.

90. “Al Fatah, at Festival in Algiers, Seeks Black Africans’ Support,” New York Times, August 2, 1969.

91. Rashid Khalidi, The Iron Cage: The Story of the Palestinian Struggle for Statehood (Boston: Beacon, 2006), 141.

92. Ibid.

93. Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal, The Palestinian People: A History (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003), 243.

94. “Fatah: The Seven Points (January 1969),” reprinted in The Arab-Israeli Reader: A Documentary History of the Middle East Conflict, ed. Walter Laqueur and Barry Rubin (New York: Penguin, 2001), 131.

95. Sunquist, Strangers in the Land, 333–34. A photo of Arafat and Jesse Jackson embracing during one of the Rainbow Coalition’s solidarity trips in the late 1970s haunted Jackson’s presidential campaigns for more than a decade.

96. Cleaver, “Back to Africa,” 213.

97. Yasser Arafat, “Palestine: Voices of Rebellion,” Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, December 20, 1969.

98. Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, August 15, 1969. For more on representations of Palestinian liberation struggles in the Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, see Lubin, Geographies of Liberation, 111–40.

99. David Graham Du Bois, . . . And Bid Him Sing (Palo Alto, Calif.: Ramparts, 1975), 10. Hereafter cited in the text.

100. See, for instance, Shirley Graham Du Bois, “Egypt Is Africa,” Black Scholar 1, no. 7 (1970): 20–27; Graham Du Bois, “The Confrontation in the Middle East,” Black Scholar 5, no. 3 (1973): 32–37: and Graham Du Bois, “The Middle East: Where to from Here?” Black Scholar 5, no. 6 (1974): 40–43. Graham Du Bois published one of the first posthumous English-language biographies of Gamal Abdel Nasser, which, she noted on numerous occasions, emphasized Egypt’s place in an African imaginative geography. See Shirley Graham Du Bois, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Son of the Nile: A Biography (New York: Third Press, 1972).

101. On the multivalent possibilities of reading “circulation,” see Brian T. Edwards, “Logics and Contexts of Circulation,” in A Companion to Comparative Literature, ed. Ali Behdad and Dominic Thomas (Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2011), 454–72.

102. Brent Hayes Edwards, “Diaspora,” in Keywords of American Cultural Studies, ed. Bruce Burgett and Glenn Hendler (New York: New York University Press, 2007), 82–83.

103. Ibid., 15.

104. See Andrew F. Jones and Nikhil Pal Singh, eds., “The Afro-Asian Century,” special issue, Positions: East Asia Cultures Critique 11, no. 1 (2003); and Fred Ho and Bill V. Mullen, eds., Afro Asia: Revolutionary Political and Cultural Connections between African Americans and Asian Americans (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2008); Mullen, Afro-Orientalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004); Vijay Prashad, Everybody Was Kung Fu Fighting: Afro-Asian Connections and the Myth of Cultural Purity (Boston: Beacon, 2001); and Heike Raphael-Hernandez and Shannon Steen, eds., AfroAsian Encounters: Culture, History, Politics (New York: New York University Press, 2006).

105. See Gerald Horne, Race Woman: The Lives of Shirley Graham Du Bois (New York: New York University Press, 2000); and Kevin Gaines, American Africans in Ghana: Black Expatriates and the Civil Rights Era (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2006).

106. Horne, Race Woman, 210.

107. Quoted in Horne, Race Woman, 210.

108. Ibid., 258.

109. David Graham Du Bois, “The Confrontation in the Middle East,” Black Scholar 5, no. 3 (1973): 32.

110. Quoted in Carol Berger, “In Cairo, an Expatriate Black American Recalls Malcolm X,” Christian Science Monitor, February 10, 1992.

111. David Graham Du Bois, “Toward Pan-African Media Workers Unity,” Black Scholar 5, no. 1 (1973): 11–14.

112. Malcolm X, “Appeal to African Heads of State” (1964), in Malcolm X Speaks, ed. George Breitman (New York: Grove, 1990), 85.

113. Quoted in “David G. Du Bois Appointed Editor-in-Chief of The Black Panther,” Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, November 10, 1973.

114. Ibid., 11. A few years earlier, the School of Criminology had housed important internal support for the Third World Liberation Front strikes that brought ethnic studies into existence; an associate dean of the school, Paul Takagi, the first Asian American tenured faculty member on the campus, sponsored the first courses in Asian American studies in the United States that deftly analyzed social relations across local, national, and international contours of race and ethnicity. The school also developed close ties to the Black Panthers and instituted a series of solidarity projects with U.S. prisoners. My thanks to Anthony Platt, the coteacher of Graham Du Bois’s course, for discussing this history with me.

115. Doss, “‘Revolutionary Art Is a Tool for Liberation,’” 179.

116. “Mid-East War: Nixon’s New Vietnam,” Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, October 27, 1973.

117. David Graham Du Bois to Huey P. Newton, Memorandum No. 28, May 2, 1974, “Re: Position Paper on the Middle East,” Dr. Huey P. Newton Foundation Inc. collection, M0864, Department of Special Collections, Stanford University Libraries.

118. “The Issue Isn’t Territory, but Human Rights,” Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, May 25, 1974.

119. “Toward Peace in the Middle East,” Black Panther Intercommunal News Service, July 1980.

120. While the Intercommunal News Service routinely serialized scholarly articles and featured extended excerpts of Huey Newton’s writing, . . . And Bid Him Sing is the only serialized work of fiction published in the paper.

121. David Graham Du Bois, “Osman Aims to Make Cairo Jazz-Conscious,” Egyptian Gazette, February 10, 1965.

122. David Graham Du Bois, “One-Man U.S. Progressive Jazz Wave Hits Cairo and Flips Those Arab Cats,” Variety, December 16, 1964, 47.

123. Graham Du Bois, “Osman Aims,” 5.

124. Graham Du Bois, “1-Man,” 47. The actual Cairo Jazz Quartet included a young Egyptian drummer named Salah Ragab, who, reportedly, was introduced to jazz forms by Osman. Ragab founded the first big band in Cairo in 1968 and had his own illustrious career as a jazz musician based in Cairo, purportedly authoring an Arabic-language book titled Jazz Music: The Roots and Futures in the process.

125. David and Shirley Graham Du Bois were both exempt from deportation because of their Ghanaian citizenship. The latter’s diary entries and letters to her family describe in detail her experiences in the city during the war. She published a brief selection and analysis of life in Cairo in the months after in “Cairo—Six Months after the Blitzkrieg.”

126. Eric Goldscheider, “At Home with David Graham Du Bois,” Boston Globe, June 28, 2001.

127. “Carter Expects Rise in Joblessness; Believes G.O.P. Will Pick Reagan,” New York Times, August 1, 1979.

128. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, “An Unfortunate Comparison,” Congressional Record 125, no. 109 (August 2, 1979).

129. See Andrew J. DeRoche, Andrew Young: Civil Rights Ambassador (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 2003), 97–120.

130. James Baldwin, “Open Letter to the Born Again,” Nation, September 29, 1979, 263–64.

131. “Foreign Policy Voice Demanded by Top Blacks,” Washington Post, August 23, 1979.

132. David Scott, Conscripts of Modernity: The Tragedy of Colonial Enlightenment (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2004), 21.

1. Arnold Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein, The New Anti-Semitism (New York: McGraw Hill, 1974), 10. Hereafter cited in the text.

2. See Amy Kaplan, “Romancing the Israel Defense Forces,” unpublished manuscript.

3. Recent illustrative works that frame the relationship between American Jews and liberal ideologies include Marc Dollinger, Quest for Inclusion: Jews and Liberalism in Modern America (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2000); Henry L. Feingold, American Jewish Political Culture and the Liberal Persuasion (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2013); Seth Forman, Blacks in the Jewish Mind: A Crisis of Liberalism (New York: New York University Press, 1998); and Michael E. Staub, Torn at the Roots: The Crisis of Jewish Liberalism in Postwar America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002).

4. In making this argument, I am informed by scholarship that theorizes how the Jewish question comes to inform liberalism’s modern lexicon and deployment of conceptions of minority difference. It follows in substantive ways from Marx’s own “On the Jewish Question,” which famously queried the distinction between a nascent liberalism’s investment in the contours of political emancipation as distinct from—and at times even contrary to—human emancipation. See, in particular, Gil Anidjar, The Jew, the Arab: A History of the Enemy (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2002); Wendy Brown, Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2006), 47–77; and Aamir Mufti, Enlightenment in the Colony: The Jewish Question and the Crisis of Postcolonial Culture (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2007), 37–90.

5. See Stephen Steinberg, Race Relations: A Critique (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2008); and Michael Omi and Howard Winant, Racial Formation in the United States: From the 1960s to the 1990s (New York: Routledge, 1994). Svonkin narrates how a “theory of the unitary character of prejudice” came to shape the institutionalization of organizational struggles against anti-Semitism. See Jews against Prejudice: American Jews and the Fight for Civil Liberties (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), 11–61.

6. See, for instance, Cathy Schlund-Vials, Modeling Citizenship: Jewish and Asian American Writing (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2011).

7. Here I have in mind scholarship on Jewish diaspora as animated by an ethical relation to difference. See Daniel Boyarin and Jonathan Boyarin, “Diaspora: Generation and the Ground of Jewish Identity,” Critical Inquiry 19, no. 4 (1993): 693–725; and Judith Butler, Parting Ways: Jewishness and the Critique of Zionism (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), 205–24.

8. See Dean Franco, Race, Rights and Recognition: Jewish American Literature since 1969 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2012).

9. On the broader context of ethno-nationalist resurgence in which of which Jews were active participants, see Matthew Frye Jacobson, Roots Too: White Ethnic Revival in Post-Civil Rights America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008).

10. For a comprehensive early history of the American Jewish Committee, see Naomi W. Cohen, Not Free to Desist: The American Jewish Committee, 1906–1966 (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1972).

11. Morris Cohen, “Zionism: Tribalism or Liberalism,” New Republic, March 8, 1919, 182–83.

12. Ibid.

13. Ibid.

14. Hasan Sa’b, “Zionism and Racism,” Palestine Essays, no. 2 (Beirut: PLO Research Center, 1968).

15. Horace Kallen, “Zionism: Democracy or Prussianism,” New Republic, April 5, 1919, 311–13. For more on Kallen’s enmeshment of Zionism and cultural pluralism, see Daniel Greene, The Jewish Origins of Cultural Pluralism: The Menorah Association and American Diversity (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011), esp. 63–90. Noam Pianko explicates how Kallen’s Zionism was informed by the writings of Ahad Ha’am, which enabled Kallen to envision Zionism as an expression of a national Jewish spirit, such that Jewish settlement in Palestine renewed the Jewish spirit of those in the diaspora. See “‘The True Liberalism of Zionism’: Horace Kallen, Jewish Nationalism, and the Limits of American Pluralism,” American Jewish History 94, no. 4 (2008): 299–329.

16. “The Columbus Platform,” in The Jew in the Modern World: A Documentary History, ed. Paul R. Mendes-Flohr and Jehuda Reinharz (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 410.

17. Thomas Kolsky, Jews against Zionism: The American Council for Judaism, 1942–1948 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010).

18. Emily Alice Katz, “Pen Pals, Pilgrims, and Pioneers,” American Jewish History 95, no. 3 (2009): 249–76.

19. Jacob Blaustein, Israel through American Eyes (New York: American Jewish Committee, 1949), 4.

20. Charles S. Liebman, “Diaspora Influence on Israel: The Ben-Gurion-Blaustein ‘Exchange’ and Its Aftermath,” Jewish Social Studies 36, nos. 3–4 (1974): 271–80.

21. Ibid., 280.

22. As an AJC historian, Lawrence Grossman, puts it, “That [the AJC] transformed itself almost overnight into a passionate defender of the Jewish state and, in so doing, shed old inhibitions to espouse Jewish peoplehood was itself a measure of the impact this crisis had on American Jewry as a whole.” See “Transformation through Crisis: The American Jewish Committee and the Six Day War,” American Jewish History 86, no. 1 (1998): 27–54.

23. Norman Podhoretz, “Now, Instant Zionism,” New York Times Magazine, February 3, 1974, 42.

24. Staub, Torn at the Roots.

25. James Baldwin, The Fire Next Time (New York: Random House, 1995), 93.

26. Norman Podhoretz, Making It (New York: Random House, 1967). Hereafter cited in the text.

27. In 2013 Commentary ran a fiftieth-anniversary reprint of “My Negro Problem” with a new headnote that recapitulated Podhoretz’s earlier reflections. The essay has been anthologized in a wide variety of venues under different auspices, including as a document of the end of the “black-Jewish alliance” during civil rights movement, an influential essay in the formation of neoconservatism, and even as a representative literary text. Podhoretz himself described the essay as a “successfully realized literary work.” See Paul Berman, ed., Blacks and Jews: Alliances and Arguments (New York: Delacorte, 1994); Peter Collier, ed., Crisis: A Contemporary Reader (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1969); Don Lewis Cook et al., eds., The Current Voice: Readings in Contemporary Prose (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1971); Bradford Daniel, ed., Black, White, and Gray: Twenty-One Points of View on the Race Question (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1964); Mark Gerson, ed., The Essential Neoconservative Reader (Reading, Mass.: Addison Wesley, 1996); Raymond John Murphy and Howard Elinson, eds., Problems and Prospects of the Negro Movement (Belmont, Calif.: Wadsworth, 1966); Norman Podhoretz, Doings and Undoings: The Fifties and After in American Writing (New York: Farrar, Straus, 1964); Thomas L. Jeffers, ed., The Norman Podhoretz Reader: A Selection of His Writings from the 1950s through the 1990s (New York: Free Press, 2004); Edward Quinn and Paul J. Dolan, eds., The Sense of the 1960s (New York: Free Press, 1968); and Jack Salzman et al., eds., Bridges and Boundaries: African Americans and American Jews (New York: George Braziller, 1992).

The title itself has become a flexible formulation, including Harold Cruse, “My Jewish Problem—and Theirs,” in Black Anti-Semitism and Jewish Racism, ed. James Baldwin and Nat Hentoff (New York: R. W. Baron, 1969); Sol Stern, “My Jewish Problem—and Ours: Israel, The Left, and the Jewish Establishment,” in Jewish Radicalism: A Selected Anthology, ed. Jack Nusan Porter and Peter Dreier (New York: Grove, 1973); Ian Buruma, “His Toughness Problem—and Ours,” New York Review of Books 54, no. 14 (2007): 10–18; and Podhoretz’s own “Hannah’s Jewish Problem—and Mine,” in Ex-Friends: Falling Out with Allen Ginsberg, Lionel and Diana Trilling, Lillian Hellman, Hannah Arendt, and Norman Mailer (San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2000). Significant analysis of the text is included in Emily Miller Budick, Blacks and Jews in Literary Conversation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998); and Staub, Torn at the Roots.

28. Norman Podhoretz, “My Negro Problem—and Ours,” Commentary 35, no. 2 (1963): 98. Hereafter cited in the text.

29. Norman Podhoretz, “My Negro Problem—and Ours; A Postscript,” in Blacks and Jews: Alliances and Arguments, ed. Paul Berman (New York: Delacorte, 1994), 96.

30. On the structure of anti-Blackness that persists in the racial politics of miscegenation, see Jared Sexton, Amalgamation Schemes: Antiblackness and the Critique of Multiracialism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2008).

31. On the figure of the tough Jew in American literature, see the foundational work by Paul Breines, Tough Jews: Political Fantasies and the Moral Dilemma of American Jewry (New York: Basic Books, 1992). Jacqueline Rose, among others, tracks the tough Jew as a constitutive figure of political Zionism. See The Question of Zion (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2005). On the centrality of reconstructing Jewish gender norms for the architects of Zionism, see, for instance, Daniel Boyarin, “The Colonial Drag: Zionism, Gender, and Mimicry,” in The Pre-Occupation of Postcolonial Studies, ed. Fawzia Afzal-Khan and Kaplana Seshadri-Crooks (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2000), 234–65.

32. Norman Podhoretz, “A Certain Anxiety,” Commentary 52, no. 2 (1971): 4. Hereafter cited in the text.

33. See Daniel H. Perlstein, Justice, Justice: School Politics and the Eclipse of Liberalism (New York: Peter Lang, 2004); and Jerald E. Podair, The Strike That Changed New York: Blacks, Whites, and the Ocean Hill-Brownsville Crisis (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2004).

34. Nathan Glazer, “On Being Deradicalized,” Commentary 50, no. 4 (1970): 74–80.

35. Nathan Glazer, Affirmative Discrimination: Ethnic Inequality and Public Policy (New York: Basic Books, 1975), 22.

36. Ibid., 200.

37. Nathan Glazer, “Exposed American Jew,” Commentary 59, no. 6 (1975): 25–30. Hereafter cited in the text.

38. On the JDL’s use of symbolism and rhetoric, particularly as it enabled describing the JDL as a “terrorist organization,” see Judith Tylor Baumel, “Kahane in America: An Exercise in Right-Wing Urban Terror,” Studies in Conflict and Terrorism 22, no. 4 (1999): 311–29.

39. The Black National Economic Conference, “Black Manifesto,” New York Review of Books 13, no. 1 (1969): 32–33. While Forman names Jewish synagogues in the manifesto, the overwhelming focus of the BNEC’s organizing focused on Christian churches.

40. Rabbi Meir Kahane, The Story of the Jewish Defense League (Radnor, Penn.: Chilton Book, 1975), 102. Hereafter cited in the text.

41. “Is This Any Way for Nice Jewish Boys to Behave?” New York Times, June 24, 1969.

42. Hilton Obenzinger, “Jabotinsky’s Legacy Continues,” Journal of Palestine Studies 14, no. 1 (1984): 137–39, 138. See also Avi Shlaim, The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World (New York: Norton, 2014).

43. Quoted in Lenni Brenner, The Iron Wall: Zionist Revisionism from Jabotinsky to Shamir (London: Zed Press, 1984), 74–75.

44. Quoted in Raphael Mergui and Philippe Somonne, Israel’s Ayatollahs: Meir Kahane and the Far Right in Israel (Atlantic Highlands, N.J.: Saqi, 1986).

45. Podhoretz notes that in his estimation Bellow could not be considered a neoconservative: “While the neocons became full-throated American patriots and defenders of capitalism, Bellow retained an aesthetic distaste for American excess.” John Podhoretz, “Saul Bellow, a Neocon’s Tale,” April 10, 2005, Times Online, http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/article379354.ece.

46. Ellen Pifer, Saul Bellow against the Grain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991).

47. Allen Guttman, “Saul Bellow’s Mr. Sammler,” Contemporary Literature 14, no. 2 (1973): 157.

48. Irvin Stock, “Man in Culture,” Commentary 49, no. 5 (1970): 94.

49. Edward W. Said, Humanism and Democratic Criticism (New York: Columbia University Press 2004), 18.

50. Ibid.

51. For a small but wide-ranging sample of readings of the pickpocket, see esp. Joshua L. Charlson, “Ethnicity, Power, and the Postmodern in Saul Bellow’s Mr. Sammler’s Planet,” Centennial Review 41, no. 3 (1997): 529–36; Stanley Crouch, “Barbarous on Either Side: The New York Blues of Mr. Sammler’s Planet,” Philosophy and Literature 20, no. 1 (1996): 89–103; Andrew Furman, Israel through the Jewish-American Imagination: A Survey of Jewish-American Literature on Israel, 1928–1995 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997); James Neil Harris, “One Critical Approach to Mr. Sammler’s Planet,” Twentieth Century Literature 18, no. 4 (1972): 235–50; Sukhbir Singh, “Indian Karma Yogi in Saul Bellow’s Mr. Sammler’s Planet,” Comparative Literature Studies 44, no. 4 (2007): 434–57; and Dean Franco, Race, Rights, and Recognition: Jewish American Literatures since 1969 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2012).

52. Saul Bellow, Mr. Sammler’s Planet (New York: Penguin, 1970), 171. Hereafter cited in the text.

53. See Saul Bellow, “Israel: The Six-Day War,” It All Adds Up: From the Dim Past to the Uncertain Future, a Nonfiction Collection (New York: Viking, 1994), 206–16.

54. Furman, Israel through the Jewish-American Imagination, 72.

55. Gabriel Piterberg, The Returns of Zionism: Myths, Politics, and Scholarship in Israel (London: Verso, 2008), xii.

56. Steven Salaita, The Holy Land in Transit: Colonialism and the Quest for Canaan (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2006).

57. Amy Kaplan, “Zionism as Anticolonialism: The Case of Exodus,” American Literary History 25, no. 4 (2013): 870–95.

58. McAlister, Epic Encounters, 155–97.

59. Michael P. Lerner, “Jewish New Leftism at Berkeley,” Judaism 18, no. 4 (1969): 475.

60. Morris U. Schappes, “A Secular View of Jewish Life,” Jewish Currents, June 1961, 10–14, 39.

61. Morris U. Schappes, “Zionism and Imperialism,” Jewish Life, March 1953, 11–17.

62. Louis Harap, The Zionist Movement Revisited (New York: Jewish Currents Reprint, 1976), 21.

63. “Honor Is Departed from Thy Gates,” Jewish Life, July 1948, 3–4.

64. “Israel—Second Anniversary,” Jewish Life, May 1950, 5–6.

65. Morris U. Schappes, “Six Months after the War,” Jewish Currents, December 1967, 3–5.

66. Louis Harap, “Two More on the Six-Day War,” Jewish Currents, December 1967, 16–20.

67. Morris Schappes, “Remarks by Discussant Morris U. Schappes,” Jewish Social Studies 27, no. 1 (1965): 63. Hereafter cited in the text.

68. Albert S. Axelrad, Robert E. Goldburg, Huey Newton, Morris U. Schappes, and George Wald, “The Black Panthers, Jews, and Israel,” Jewish Currents, February 1971. Hereafter cited in the text.

69. Robert E. Goldburg, “The Black Panthers,” Jewish Currents, November 1970, 4–8.

70. Jack Nusan Porter and Peter Dreir, preface to Jewish Radicalism: A Selected Anthology, ed. Jack Nusan Porter and Peter Dreir (New York: Grove, 1973), xii.

71. Piterberg, Returns of Zionism, 94.

72. “Jewish Liberation Organization Constitution,” BANC MSS 86/157 c, reel 81, folder 21, Bancroft Library Social Protest Collection, University of California, Berkeley. Hereafter cited as Bancroft Library.

73. Ibid.

74. Murray Zuckoff, “Toward Socialist Zionist Politics,” BANC MSS 86/157 c, reel 81, folder 21, Bancroft Library.

75. “Jewish Liberation Organization Working Paper,” BANC MSS 86/157 c, reel 81, folder 21, Bancroft Library.

76. “Jewish Liberation Organization Statement for the Fascism Conference,” BANC MSS 86/157 c, reel 81, folder 21, Bancroft Library.

77. Tsvi Bisk, “A Radical-Zionist Strategy for the 1970’s,” in Jewish Radicalism, 90.

78. Ibid., 96–97.

79. M. J. Rosenberg, “To Uncle Tom and Other Jews,” in Jewish Radicalism, 7.

80. Ibid., 10.

81. Ibid.

82. Committee for a Progressive Middle East, “Statement on the Middle East,” Judaism: A Quarterly Journal 18, no. 4 (1969): 484. Hereafter cited in the text.

83. Lerner, “Jewish New Leftism,” 476.

84. Arthur I. Waskow, The Bush Is Burning! Radical Judaism Faces the Pharaohs of the Modern Superstate (New York: Macmillan, 1971), n.p. Hereafter cited in the text.

85. Michael E. Staub, Torn at the Roots: The Crisis of Jewish Liberalism in Postwar America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 154.

86. “For Peace and Justice in the Middle East: A Position Paper of Jews for Urban Justice, adopted November 10, 1970,” in Waskow, Bush Is Burning!, 76–77.

87. Arthur I. Waskow, “The Jewish Contradiction,” New York Times, October 21, 1970, 47.

88. Renata Adler, “Radicalism in Debacle: The Palmer House,” in Toward a Radical Middle: Fourteen Pieces of Reporting and Criticism (New York: Random House, 1970), 239–59. Adler had written a piece on the Six-Day War for the New Yorker, also collected here.

89. Arthur I. Waskow, “More Amplification,” New York Review of Books, December 21, 1967, 42.

90. Arthur I. Waskow, “Dept. of Amplification,” New York Review of Books, November 23, 1967, 42.

91. Arthur Waskow, The Freedom Seder: A New Haggadah (New York: Holt, Rinehart, Winston, 1970), v.

92. Staub, Torn at the Roots, 164.

93. Ibid.

94. Robert Alter, “Revolutionism and the Jews,” Commentary 51, no. 2 (1971): 49.

95. Arthur I. Waskow, “The Jewish Contradiction,” New York Times, October 21, 1970, 47.

96. Jack Ross, Rabbi Outcast: Elmer Berger and American Jewish Anti-Zionism (Washington, D.C.: Potomac Books, 2011).

97. Staub, Torn at the Roots, 280–308.

98. Ezra Berkley Nepon, Justice, Justice Shall You Pursue: A History of New Jewish Agenda (Philadelphia: Thread Makes Blanket, 2012).

99. Daniel Berrigan, “Responses to Settler Regimes,” in Settler Regimes in Africa and the Arab World: The Illusion of Endurance, ed. Ibrahim Abu-Lughod and Baha Abu-Laban (Wilmette, Ill.: Medina University Press, 1974), 226. Hereafter cited in the text.

1. See Rochelle Davis, Palestinian Village Histories: Geographies of the Displaced (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2011).

2. See Helena Lindholm Schulz, with Juliane Hammer, The Palestinian Diaspora: Formation of Identities and Politics of Homeland (London: Routledge, 2003).

3. See Ariella Azoulay and Adi Ophir, The One State Condition: Occupation and Democracy in Israel/Palestine (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2013).

4. Michael W. Suleiman, “The Arab Immigrant Experience,” in Arabs in America: Building a New Future, ed. Michael W. Suleiman (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1999), 1–21.

5. “Nasser and His Canal,” Daily Princetonian, October 11, 1956, 2. Said writes of the brief essay: “The article was published without provoking the kind of response that it might have had if it had appeared after 1967. It was my first piece of political writing, but so quiescent were political passions and so muted were Zionist opinions—this was, after all, when Eisenhower in effect compelled Israel to withdraw from Sinai—that I was able to publish it quite easily” (Out of Place: A Memoir [New York: Knopf, 1999], 279–80).

6. Edward W. Said, “The Arab Portrayed,” in The Arab-Israeli Confrontation of June 1967, ed. Ibrahim Abu-Lughod (Evanston, Ill.: Northwestern University Press, 1970), 1–9. Hereafter cited in the text.

7. Elaine C. Hagopian, “Ibrahim and Edward,” Arab Studies Quarterly 26, no. 4 (2004): 4.

8. Edward Said, “My Guru,” London Review of Books, December 13, 2001, 19.

9. Countless scholars have implicitly and explicitly positioned themselves in relation to Orientalism for decades, affecting the fields of postcolonial studies, art history, anthropology, cultural studies, geography, and American studies, among others. The text itself has been subject to periodic appraisals, including most recently Ziad Elmarsafy et al., eds., Debating Orientalism (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013). On the text’s “seditious life,” see Gyan Prakash, “Orientalism Now,” History and Theory 34, no. 3 (1995): 199.

10. There is formative and growing scholarship on the AAUG, an organization rightfully centralized in the historiography of Arab American studies. See Gregory Orfalea, The Arab Americans: A History (North Hampton, Mass.: Olive Branch, 2006); and Sarah M. A. Gualtieri, Between Arab and White: Race and Ethnicity in the Early Syrian American Diaspora (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009), 171–80. On important turn-of-the-century predecessors to the AAUG, see Hani J. Bawardi, The Making of Arab Americans: From Syrian Nationalism to U.S. Citizenship (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2014). My aim in this chapter is limited to a consideration of how elements of the organization’s knowledge production were invested in a transnational analysis of race and empire, and to consider the relationship between this analysis and Said’s post-1967 critique of U.S. imperial culture.

11. Edward W. Said, “Orientalism Reconsidered,” Cultural Critique 1 (1985): 91.

12. Immanuel Wallerstein, “The Unintended Consequences of Cold War Area Studies,” in The Cold War and the University: Toward and Intellectual History of the Postwar Years (New York: New Press, 1997), 195–231. As Ella Shohat puts it, “Said’s Orientalism was published . . . at a very specific moment in the history of the U.S. academe, when ethnic studies, women’s studies, and Third World studies had transformed the intellectual landscape by challenging the epistemological foundations of what constituted a legitimate subject of inquiry deserving institutional academic space” (“The Sephardi-Moorish Atlantic: Between Orientalism and Occidentalism,” in Between the Middle East and the Americas: The Cultural Politics of Diaspora, ed. Evelyn Alsultany and Ella Shohat [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2013], 45). On U.S. ethnic studies and women’s studies formations as part of a broader decolonial epistemic shift, see also Walter Mignolo, “Citizenship, Knowledge, and the Limits of Humanity,” American Literary History 18, no. 2 (2006): 312–31; Nelson Maldonado-Torres, “Thinking through the Decolonial Turn: Post-continental Interventions in Theory, Philosophy, and Critique—an Introduction,” Transmodernity: Journal of Peripheral Cultural Production of the Luso-Hispanic World 1, no. 2 (2011): 1–15; and Ramón Grosfoguel, “The Dilemmas of Ethnic Studies in the United States: Between Liberal Multiculturalism, Identity Politics, Disciplinary Colonization, and Decolonial Epistemologies,” Human Architecture: Journal of the Sociology of Self-Knowledge 10, no. 1 (2012): 81–89.

13. Edward W. Said, “Traveling Theory Revisited,” in Reflections on Exile, and Other Essays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 436–52.

14. For early evocations of the former, see Timothy Mitchell, “Orientalism and the Exhibitionary Order,” in Colonialism and Culture, ed. Nicholas Dirks (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1995), 289–317. On the latter point, see Lisa Lowe, “Rereadings in Orientalism: Oriental Inventions of the Orient in Montesquieu’s ‘Lettres persanes,’” Cultural Critique 15 (1990): 115–43.

15. See, for instance, Reina Lewis, Gendering Orientalism: Race, Femininity, and Representation (New York: Routledge, 1995); Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Meyda Yegenoglu, Colonial Fantasies: Towards a Feminist Reading of Orientalism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

16. Shohat, “Sephardi-Moorish Atlantic”; and Junaid Rana, Terrifying Muslims: Race and Labor in the South Asian Diaspora (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2011).

17. Cedric Robinson, Black Marxism: The Making of the Black Radical Tradition (1983; repr., Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2000).

18. Jodi Kim, Ends of Empire: Asian American Critique and the Cold War (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010); and Christina Klein, Cold War Orientalism: Asia in the Middlebrow Imagination, 1945–1961 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003).

19. For scholarship that expands the conceptual clarity and historical specificities of U.S. orientalism, see Malini Johar Schueller, U.S. Orientalisms: Race, Nation, and Gender in Literature, 1790–1890 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1998); Timothy Marr, The Cultural Roots of American Islamicism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Brian T. Edwards, Morocco Bound: Disorienting America’s Maghreb, from Casablanca to the Marrakech Express (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005); Ussama Makdisi, Artillery of Heaven: American Missionaries and the Failed Conversion of the Middle East (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2009); and McAlister, Epic Encounters.

20. I thank John Berry, the comparative ethnic studies librarian at UC Berkeley, for sharing Ron Takaki’s personal copy of Orientalism with me.

21. Edward W. Said, “The Palestinian Experience” (1968–1969), in The Edward Said Reader, ed. Moustafa Bayoumi and Andrew Rubin (New York: Vintage, 2000), 25. Hereafter cited in the text.

22. Edward W. Said, “Michel Foucault as an Intellectual Imagination,” Boundary 2 1, no. 1 (1972): 1–36; Said, “Abecedarium culturae: Structuralism, Absence, Writing,” Triquarterly 20 (1971): 33–71.

23. Said describes Barthes as “one of the very few literary critics in any language of whom it can be said that he has never written a bad or uninteresting page” (“Overcoming the Thereness of Things,” New York Times, July 30, 1972).

24. “An Interview with Edward Said,” in Bayoumi and Rubin, Edward Said Reader, 423.

25. Edward W. Said, Beginnings: Intention and Method (1975; repr., New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), 65–66. Hereafter cited in the text.

26. Edward W. Said, “Opponents, Audiences, Constituencies, and Community,” Critical Inquiry 9, no. 1 (1982): 25.

27. Ibid., 16.

28. On epistemological transfer as one of settler colonialism’s many strategies to “discursively or practically empt[y] the indigenous sector of the population,” see Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (London: Palgrave, 2011), 35–52.

29. See also Timothy Brennan, “The Illusion of a Future: Orientalism as Traveling Theory,” Critical Inquiry 26, no. 3 (2000): 558–83.

30. Michael Omi and Howard Winant’s touchstone: Racial Formation in the United States (London: Routledge, 1986).

31. Edward W. Said, “An Ideology of Difference,” Critical Inquiry 12, no. 1 (1985): 41. Hereafter cited in the text.

32. Edward W. Said, Culture and Imperialism (New York: Vintage, 1994), 244. Hereafter cited in the text.

33. Edward W. Said, “The Music Itself: Glenn Gould’s Contrapuntal Vision,” in Music at the Limits (1983; repr., New York: Columbia University Press, 2008), 3–10.

34. Edward W. Said, “Arab and Jew,” in Settler Regimes in Africa and the Arab World: The Illusion of Endurance, ed. Ibrahim Abu-Lughod and Baha Abu-Laban (Wilmette, Ill.: Medina University Press, 1974), 242. Hereafter cited in the text.

35. Edward W. Said, “Bases for Coexistence,” in The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After (New York: Vintage, 2001), 209. Hereafter cited in the text.

36. Recent scholarship on the connective histories of Israeli Jews and Arab Palestinians in the ambit of the Holocaust has been growing. See, for instance, Marianne Hirsch, The Generation of Postmemory: Writing and Visual Culture after the Holocaust (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012); Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009); and Jo Roberts, Contested Land, Contested Memory: Israel’s Jews and Arabs and the Ghosts of Catastrophe (Toronto: Dundurn, 2013). My analysis is substantially informed by Gil Z. Hochberg, “Edward Said: ‘The Last Jewish Intellectual’: On Identity, Alterity, and the Politics of Memory,” Social Text 24, no. 2 (2006): 47–65; and Judith Butler, “‘What Shall We Do Without Exile?’ Said and Darwish Address the Future,” ALIF: Journal of Comparative Poetics 32 (2012): 30–54.

37. Edward W. Said, “Between Worlds,” in Reflections on Exile, and Other Essays (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000): 562. Hereafter cited in the text.

38. Said, Politics of Dispossession, xvi.

39. Timothy Brennan, Wars of Position: The Cultural Politics of Left and Right (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006), 282.

40. Ranajit Guha, “The Turn,” Critical Inquiry 31, no. 2 (2005): 425.

41. See, for instance, Gualtieri, Between Arab and White; Nadine Naber and Amaney Jamal, eds., Race and Arab Americans before and after 9/11: From Invisible Citizens to Visible Subjects (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2008); and Steven Salaita, Anti-Arab Racism in the USA: Where It Comes From and What It Means for Politics (New York: Pluto, 2006).

42. See Waïl S. Hassan, Immigrant Narratives: Orientalism and Cultural Translation in Arab American and Arab British Literature (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 38–58. Lawrence Davidson documents Rihani’s Palestine advocacy within an organization called the Palestine Antizionism Society (dating from 1917), which included outspoken Arab intellectuals in the United States—including Fuad Shatara, Habib Katibah, N. A. Katibah, Peter S. George, Elias Joseph, George Shadak, Frank Sakran, Jacob Handal, Andria Mansour, and Abraham Rihbany. See Lawrence Davidson, “Debating Palestine: Arab-American Challenges to Zionism, 1917–1932,” in Suleiman, Arabs in America, 227–40.

43. Hans Wehr Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic, 1212.

44. Suad Joseph, “Against the Grain of the Nation: The Arab-,” in Suleiman, Arabs in America, 258.

45. Nabeel Abraham, “The Gulf Crisis and Anti-Arab Racism,” in Collateral Damage: The New World Order at Home and Abroad, ed. Cynthia Peters (Boston: South End, 1992), 255–78; Joanna Kadi, introduction to Food for Our Grandmothers: Writings by Arab American and Arab Canadian Feminists, ed. Joanna Kadi (Boston: South End, 1994), viii–xx; Terese Saliba, “Military Presences and Absences,” in Food for Our Grandmothers, 125–32; Nadine Naber, “Ambiguous Insiders: An Investigation of Arab American Invisibility,” Ethnic and Racial Studies 23, no. 1 (2000): 37–61.

46. Helen Samhan, “Politics and Exclusion: The Arab American Experience,” Journal of Palestine Studies 16, no. 2 (1987): 20–28.

47. Minoo Moallem, Between Warrior Brother and Veiled Sister: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Politics of Patriarchy in Iran (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005). This argument draws on Étienne Balibar, “‘Is There a Neo-Racism?,’” in Race, Nation, Class: Ambiguous Identities, ed. Étienne Balibar and Immanuel Wallerstein (New York: Verso, 1991), 17–28.

48. Nadine Naber, Arab America: Gender, Cultural Politics, and Activism (New York: New York University Press, 2012), 135–36.

49. Mae M. Ngai, Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of Modern America (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2004), 264.

50. See Fuad Shaban, Islam and Arabs in Early American Thought: Roots of Orientalism in America (Durham, N.C.: Acorn, 1991); and Marr, Cultural Roots of American Islamicism.

51. Edward W. Said, Covering Islam: How the Media and the Experts Determine How We See the Rest of the World (New York: Pantheon, 1981).

52. Edward W. Said, “The Essential Terrorist,” Nation 242 (1986): 832.

53. Denis Sinor, ed., Proceedings of the Twenty-Seventh International Congress of Orientalists (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1971), 36. Hereafter cited in the text. The ICO continues to meet, though to date it has not returned to the United States; in the mid-1970s, the organization departed from its overt framing as an “orientalist” organization as it changed its name to the International Congress of Human Sciences in Asia and North Africa and, more recently to the International Congress of Asian and North African Studies.

54. For a detailed legislative history of NDEA, see Barbara Barksdale Clowse, Brainpower for the Cold War: The Sputnik Crisis and National Defense Education Act of 1958 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1981). Genealogical critiques of U.S. area studies have been extensive, especially since Orientalism. For an exemplary recent collection of essays tracing the epistemological and disciplinary limitations of area studies, see Masao Miyoshi and H. D. Harootunian, eds., Learning Places: The Afterlives of Area Studies (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2002).

55. Fauzi M. Najjar, quoted in The First Decade, 1967–1977 (Detroit, Mich.: AAUG, 1977).

56. Ibid., n.p.

57. M. Cherif Bassiouni, “The AAUG: Reflections on a Lost Opportunity,” Arab Studies Quarterly 29, nos. 3–4 (2007): 30.

58. Abdeen Jabara, “The AAUG: Aspirations and Failures,” Arab Studies Quarterly 29, nos. 3–4 (2007): 15.

59. Baha Abu-Laban, “Reflections on the Rise and Decline of an Arab-American Organization,” Arab Studies Quarterly 29, nos. 3–4 (2007): 48.

60. Rashid Bashshur, “Unfulfilled Expectations and the Genesis and Demise of the AAUG,” Arab Studies Quarterly 29, nos. 3–4 (2007): 12.

61. “Why ASQ?,” Arab Studies Quarterly 1, no. 1 (1979): iv–v.

62. Ibid., v.

63. See, for instance, Nasser Aruri, “The Nixon Doctrine and the Mideast,” New York Times, May 20, 1972; Abdeen Jabara, “Letters to the Editor,” New York Times, June 22, 1972; and Abdeen Jabara, “Grievances of Palestinians,” New York Times, September 27, 1972.

64. “Needed,” New York Times, November 2, 1969. In his inaugural address, Nixon remarked that “the greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker.” See Richard Nixon: Speeches, Writings, Documents (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2008), 154.

65. “The Silenced Majority in the Middle East,” New York Times, March 15, 1970.

66. Barbara C. Aswad, Arabic-Speaking Communities in American Cities (New York: Center for Migration Studies and the Association of Arab American University Graduates, 1974).

67. Barbara C. Aswad, “Arab-American Studies,” Middle East Studies Association Bulletin 8, no. 3 (1974): 13.

68. First Decade, n.p.

69. Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, preface to The Arab-Americans: Studies in Assimilation (Wilmette, Ill.: Medina University Press International, 1969), vi.

70. Abdo A. Elkholy, “Nationalism and Traditional Preservation,” in Arab-Americans, 10. Hereafter cited in the text.

71. “Text of Statement and Resolution Released at the End of the Third Annual Convention, November 1, 1970,” in The Arab World: From Nationalism to Revolution, ed. Abdeen Jabara and Janice Terry (Wilmette, Ill.: Medina UP International, 1971), 207.

72. Ibid., 206.

73. “Text of Statement Released at Close of Second Annual Convention, 7 December 1969,” in The Palestinian Resistance to Israeli Occupation, ed. Naseer Aruri (Wilmette, Ill.: Medina University Press International, 1970), 169.

74. Ibid., 170.

75. Ibrahim Abu-Lughod, ed., Settler Regimes in Africa and the Arab World: The Illusion of Endurance (Wilmette, Ill.: Medina University Press International, 1974).

76. Peniel E. Joseph, Waiting ’Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power (New York: Henry Holt, 2006), 188.

77. See Joe Stork and Rene Theberge, “‘Any Arab or Others of a Suspicious Nature . . .’” MERIP Reports 14 (1973): 3–6, 13.

78. Elaine Hagopian, “Minority Rights in a Nation-State: The Nixon Administration’s Campaign against Arab-Americans,” Journal of Palestine Studies 5, nos. 1–2 (1975): 99.

79. A central part of Sirhan’s defense was that he incurred significant psychological trauma as a child during his family’s dispossession in 1948. The one-year anniversary “celebration” in Los Angeles of Israel’s victory in the June war triggered a psychotic break. A significant amount of Sirhan’s testimony recounted his personal experience of the 1948 war, the conditions of post-1948 Palestinian life, and the U.S. popular embrace of Israel. See “The Lost Significance of Sirhan’s Case,” Organization of Arab Students (Los Angeles: University of Southern California, 1969).

80. “Is the Nixon Administration Playing Politics with Civil Liberties?,” New York Times, October 29, 1972.

81. M. C. Bassiouni, ed., The Civil Rights of Arab-Americans: The “Special Measures” (North Dartmouth, Mass.: Association of Arab-American University Graduates, 1974); Hagopian, “Minority Rights.”

82. Stork and Theberge, “‘Any Arab or Others of a Suspicious Nature . . .,’” 3.

83. Hagopian, “Minority Rights.” On the continuities between Operation Boulder and the post-9/11 regimes of state surveillance, see Elaine C. Hagopian, ed., Civil Rights in Peril: The Targeting of Arabs and Muslims (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2004).

84. “A Plan to Screen Terrorists Ends: U.S. Project to Block Arabs Was Not ‘Cost Effective,’” New York Times, April 24, 1975.

85. Baha Abu-Laban and Faith T. Zeadey, eds., Arabs in America: Myths and Realities (Wilmette, Ill.: Medina University Press International, 1975), xii.

86. Nikhil Pal Singh, “Learn Your Horn,” in Climbin’ Jacob’s Ladder: The Black Freedom Movement Writings of Jack O’Dell (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 43.

87. Gualtieri, Between Arab and White, 176–77.

88. Nathaniel Sheppard Jr., “Arab Businessmen Give $10,000 to Jackson’s Rights Organization,” New York Times, October 17, 1979.

89. James Zogby and Jack O’Dell, eds., Afro-Americans Stand Up for Middle East Peace (Washington, D.C.: Palestine Human Rights Campaign, 1980).

90. See special issue of Arab Studies Quarterly 29, nos. 3–4 (2007).

91. Said, “Arab Portrayed,” 4. Hereafter cited in the text.

92. Edward W. Said, “Arab and Jew: ‘Each Is the Other,’” New York Times, October 14, 1973.

93. Edward W. Said, “Orientalism and the October War: The Shattered Myths,” in Abu-Laban and Zeadey, Arabs in America, 112. Hereafter cited in the text.

1. Epigraph by June Jordan originally published in Moving towards Home: Political Essays (London: Virago, 1989). Copyright 2005 by the June Jordan Literary Estate. Reprinted with the permission of the June M. Jordan Literary Estate. www.junejordan.com. S. Grewal et al., eds., Charting the Journey: Writings by Black and Third World Women (London: Sheba Feminist Publishers, 1988).

2. Al-Awda: The Palestine Right to Return Coalition, Until Return 1, no. 1 (2007), http://www.al-awda.org/until-return/june.html.

3. Paul Lauter, ed., Heath Anthology of American Literature, 5th ed. (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2005).

4. Suheir Hammad, Born Palestinian, Born Black; and The Gaza Suite (Brooklyn, N.Y.: UpSet, 2010), 13.

5. June Jordan, “Finding the Way Home” (February 1989), reprinted in Life as Activism: June Jordan’s Writings from “The Progressive” (Sacramento, Calif.: Litwin, 2014), 3.

6. Cheryl Higashida, Black Internationalist Feminism: Women Writers of the Black Left, 1945–1995 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2011). Higashida defines Black internationalist feminism as that which “challenged heteronormative and masculinist articulations of nationalism while maintaining the importance, even centrality of national liberation movements for achieving Black women’s social, political, and economic rights. . . . This feminism was internationalist in two different but related senses. First, it held that self-determination for oppressed nations would bring about socialism for the working classes of all nations. Second, it linked the struggles of African Americans in the United States to struggles for national self-determination in the Caribbean, the Americas, Africa, Asia, and Australia” (2–3).

7. June Jordan, radio interview with David Barsamian, Alternative Radio, Program #JORJ003, Boulder, Colo., October 13, 2000.

8. A partial list of Jordan’s writings on Israel and Palestine includes “Apologies to All the People in Lebanon” (1982), “To Sing a Song of Palestine” (1982), “Cedar Trees of Lebanon” (1982), “Moving towards Home” (1982), “Problems of Language in a Democratic State” (1982), “Beirut Jokebook” (1983), “Life after Lebanon” (1984), “For Etel Adnan” (1984), “Poem for the West Bank” (1990), “Intifada, USA” (1990), “Islam and the USA Today” (1993), “Eyewitness in Lebanon” (1996), “Looking for Lebanon” (1996), “Intifada Incantation” (1997), “Hunting for Jews” (2002), and “Letter to My Friend” (2002).

9. On this inflection point in Israel’s “infrastructure of control,” see Neve Gordon, Israel’s Occupation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008). Adi Ophir and Ariella Azoulay similarly contend that by 1981 the occupation had become inextricable from the structure of the Israeli regime. See The One-State Condition: Occupation and Democracy in Israel/Palestine, trans. Tal Haran (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2013).

10. See Ze’ev Schiff and Ehd Ya’ari, Israel’s Lebanon War (New York: Touchstone, 1985); Rashid Khalidi, Under Siege: PLO Decisionmaking during the 1982 War (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014); Baruch Kimmerling, Politicide: Ariel Sharon’s War against the Palestinians (London: Verso, 2003), 92–101; and Noam Chomsky, Fateful Triangle: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinians (Boston: South End, 1983), 181–328.

11. Thomas Friedman, From Beirut to Jerusalem (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1991), 159.

12. The Israeli government estimated between seven hundred and eight hundred people were killed; the Lebanese government issued about twelve hundred death certificates; and the Palestinian Red Crescent Society estimated about two thousand people dead.

13. “The Situation in the Middle East,” A/Res/37/123, December 16, 1982.

14. Much of the intellectual debates would come under the heading of “post-Zionism.” For a useful synopsis, see Laurence J. Silberstein, The Postzionism Debates: Knowledge and Power in Israeli Culture (New York: Routledge, 1999).

15. See David C. Wills, The First War on Terrorism: Counter-Terrorism Policy during the Reagan Administration (Lanham, Md.: Rowman and Littlefield, 2003).

16. Lisa Stampnitzky, Disciplining Terror: How Experts Invented “Terrorism” (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 49–82.

17. Ruth Wilson Gilmore, “Globalisation and US Prison Growth: From Military Keynesianism to Post-Keynesian Militarism,” Race and Class 40, nos. 2–3 (1999): 171–88.

18. See Victoria Clark, Allies for Armageddon: The Relentless Rise of Christian Zionism (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007).

19. “Reagan and Begin: Partners in Racism,” Palestine Focus 1, no. 2 (1983): 4.

20. Smadar Lavie, Wrapped in the Flag of Israel: Mizrahi Single Mothers and Bureaucratic Torture (New York: Berghahn, 2014).

21. Ella Shohat, “Sephardim in Israel: Zionism from the Standpoint of Its Jewish Victims,” Social Text, nos. 19–20 (1988): 1–35.

22. On the Labor origins of the settlement movement, see Gershom Gorenberg, The Accidental Empire: Israel and the Birth of the Settlements, 1967–1977 (New York: Times Books, 2006). On the settlement movement’s widespread growth after 1977 under Likud and national unity governments, see Idith Zertal and Akiva Eldar, Lords of the Land: The War over Israel’s Settlements in the Occupied Territories (New York: Nation Books, 2009), 55–188.

23. On the intensification of the racialized warfare state, see James Kyung-Jin Lee, Urban Triage: Race and the Fictions of Multiculturalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2004); and Dylan Rodríguez, Forced Passages: Imprisoned Radical Intellectuals and the U.S. Prison Regime (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2006).

24. Roderick Ferguson, “On the Specificities of Racial Formation: Gender and Sexuality in the Historiographies of Race,” in Racial Formation in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Daniel HoSang, Oneka LaBennet, and Laura Pulido (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 53.

25. My reading practice is inspired by Grace Kyungwon Hong, who treats Moraga’s 1981 introduction to This Bridge. See Hong, The Ruptures of American Capital: Women of Color Feminism and the Culture of Immigrant Labor (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), vii–xii.

26. Cherríe Moraga, “Refugees of a World on Fire: Preface to the Second Edition,” in This Bridge Called My Back: Writings by Radical Women of Color, ed. Gloria Anzaldúa and Cherríe Moraga, 2nd ed. (Latham, Mass.: Kitchen Table: Women of Color, 1983), n.p.

27. Ella Shohat, “Area Studies, Gender Studies, and the Cartographies of Knowledge,” Social Text 20, no. 3 (2002): 75.

28. Moraga, “Refugees of a World on Fire,” n.p.

29. June Jordan, “We Are All Refugees,” Progressive 58, no. 7 (1994): 16.

30. I treat the figure of the refugee as a relational figure in more detail in “‘One Like Me’: The Refugee as Relational Figure,” in Ethnic Literatures and Transnationalism, ed. Aparajita Nanda (New York: Routledge, 2014), 28–40. See also Alex Lubin, “‘Fear of an Arab Planet’: The Sounds and Rhythms of Afro-Arab Internationalism,” Journal of Transnational Studies 5, no. 1 (2013): 243–63.

31. See Evelyn Torton Beck, ed., New Jewish Girls: A Lesbian Anthology (Boston: Beacon, 1989).

32. One major exception was Elly Bulkin’s substantial essay on the relationship between anti-Semitism and anti-Arab racism in feminist movements. Begun in August 1982, the essay reckons with the need to “overcom[e] the anti-Arab racism that is deeply engrained in Western culture. Anti-Arab racism reveals itself, as does racism generally, in the simple failure to see—that the other is there, that the other is very much like oneself.” See Elly Bulkin, Minnie Bruce Pratt, and Barbara Smith, Yours in Struggle: Three Perspectives on Anti-Semitism and Racism (Ithaca, N.Y.: Firebrand Books, 1988), 163.

33. Nada Elia, “The ‘White’ Sheep of the Family: But Bleaching Is Like Starvation,” in This Bridge We Call Home: Radical Visions for Transformation, ed. Gloria E. Anzaldúa and Ana Louise Keating (New York: Routledge, 2002), 223–31. See also Therese Saliba, “Resisting Invisibility: Arab Americans in Academia and Activism,” in Suleiman, Arabs in America, 304–20; and Amira Jarmakani, “Arab American Feminisms: Mobilizing the Politics of Invisibility,” in Arab and Arab American Feminisms: Gender, Violence, and Belonging, ed. Rabab Abdulhadi, Evelyn Alsultany, and Nadine Naber (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2011), 227–41.

34. Joanna Kadi, ed., Food for Our Grandmothers: Writings by Arab-American and Arab-Canadian Feminists (Boston: South End, 1994). By contrast, two notable anthologies published after September 11, 2001, self-consciously forged as sequels to 1981’s Bridge—This Bridge We Call Home and Sing, Whisper, Shout, Pray!—offered sustained and substantive engagement with Palestine. The production of the former collection at the time of the second intifada, as Elia notes, included heated debates among its contributors on the listserv about whether critiques of Zionism were tantamount to anti-Semitism or racism. Rather than allow these debates to play out, the editors shut down the list and, in their introduction to the collection, misrepresented the statements of those who had criticized Zionism. As Elia puts it, “The centrality of the Palestinian issue to women of color generally—namely, the fact that we are a colonized people seeking to break through the distorted hegemonic narrative that either completely erases or totally misrepresents us—was once again pushed to the margins.” See Nada Elia, “The Burden of Representation: When Palestinians Speak Out,” in Arab and Arab American Feminisms: Gender, Violence, and Belonging, ed. Rabab Abdulhadi, Evelyn Alsultany, and Nadine Naber (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 2011), 144–58.

The latter collection, begun in 1987, was initially riven by internal dissent among the editors as to the relationship between racism and anti-Semitism and, following one editor’s urging, required a careful historicization of the concept of race. M. Jacqui Alexander et al., eds., introduction to Sing, Whisper, Shout, Pray! Feminist Visions for a Just World (Fort Bragg, Calif.: EdgeWork Books, 2003), xxi–xxiv. The resulting essay clarified how the particularly genocidal logic of American “settlerism” created the conditions for very different expressions of racial oppression and anti-Semitism in the United States and Europe, respectively. The foundations of American whiteness were constituted out of a history of settler genocide, one that structurally positioned Jews as white ethnic immigrants predicated on dynamics of capitalist incorporability into a settler state. See Matthew Nemiroff Lyons, “Parasites and Pioneers: Antisemitism in White Supremacist America,” in Alexander et al., Sing, Whisper, Shout, Pray!, 293–339.

35. See Nadine Naber, Eman Desouky, and Lina Baroudi, “The Forgotten ‘-Ism’: An Arab American Women’s Perspective on Zionism, Racism, and Sexism,” in Time to Rise: US Women of Color: Issues and Strategies, ed. Maylei Blackwell, Linda Burnham, and Jung Hee Choi (Berkeley, Calif.: Women of Color Resource Center, 2001); also included in INCITE! Women of Color against Violence, ed., Color of Violence: The INCITE! Anthology (Cambridge, Mass.: South End, 2006), 97–112. It is worth noting that INCITE’s anthology includes numerous essays about Palestine.

36. Ferguson, “On the Specificities of Racial Formation,” 55.

37. Report of the World Conference of the International Women’s Year (New York: United Nations, 1976).

38. Report of the World Conference of the United Nations Decade for Women: Equality, Development, and Peace, A/Conf. 94/35 (New York: United Nations, 1980), 5.

39. Regina Schreiber, “Copenhagen: One Year Later,” Lilith, no. 8 (1981): 30.

40. Letty Cottin Pogrebin, “Anti-Semitism in the Women’s Movement,” Ms. Magazine, June 1982, 46. Hereafter cited in the text.

41. “Letters Forum: Anti-Semitism,” Ms. Magazine 11, no. 8 (1983): 13. Hereafter cited in the text.

42. Michael Rothberg, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2009).

43. Women Against Imperialism, “Feminism, Anti-Semitism, and Racism . . . Taking our Stand against Zionism and White Supremacy,” Off Our Backs 12, no. 7 (1982): 20.

44. Signatories to the group included Evelyn T. Beck, Nancy K. Bereano, Gloria Z. Greenfield, Melanie Kaye, Irena Klepfisz, Bernice Mennis, and Adrienne Rich.

45. Di Vilde Chayes, “. . . What Does Zionism Mean?,” Off Our Backs 12, no. 7 (1982): 21.

46. Originally published in A Working Conference on Women and Racism: New England Women’s Studies Association Newsletter (May 1981); my citations come from “Double Allegiance,” in Getting Home Alive, by Aurora Levins Morales and Rosario Morales (Ithaca, N.Y.: Firebrand, 1986), 157–58.

47. Quoted in Bulkin, Pratt, and Smith, Yours in Struggle, 151.

48. Chela Sandoval, “Feminism and Racism: A Report on the 1981 National Women’s Studies Association Conference,” in Making Face, Making Soul/Haciendo Caras, ed. Gloria Anzaldúa (San Francisco: Aunt Lute, 1990), 55–71.

49. Audre Lorde, “The Uses of Anger: Women Responding to Racism,” in Sister Outsider (Freedom, Calif.: Crossing, 1984), 124.

50. Adrienne Rich, “Disobedience Is What NWSA Is Potentially About,” WSQ 9, no. 3 (1981): 4–6.

51. Carol Haddad, “Anti-Arab-ism,” Off Our Backs 13, no. 3 (1983): 21–22.

52. For Haddad’s own narration of this event, see “In Search of Home,” in Kadi, Food for Our Grandmothers, 218–23.

53. Di Vilde Chayes, “Zionists Deplore Killings in Lebanon and Criticize Nature of Anti-Israel Protests,” Off Our Backs 12, no. 9 (October 1982): 27.

54. Off Our Backs 12, no. 9 (1982): 3.

55. Jane Creighton, “Misplaced Footnote,” Off Our Backs 12, no. 11 (1982): 26.

56. Carol Haddad, “Women without a Name,” Off Our Backs 13, no. 3 (1983): 34.

57. Azizah al-Hibri, “Unveiling the Hidden Face of Racism: The Plight of Arab American Women,” Women’s Studies Quarterly 11, no. 3 (1983): 10–11.

58. Evelyn Torton Beck, “‘No More Masks’: Anti-Semitism as Jew-Hating,” Women’s Studies Quarterly 11, no. 3 (1983): 11–14.

59. Barbara Smith, “A Rock and a Hard Place: Relationships between Black and Jewish Women,” Women’s Studies Quarterly 11, no. 3 (1983): 7–9.

60. Sandoval, “Feminism and Racism.”

61. Max Elbaum, Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals Turn to Lenin, Mao, and Che (London: Verso, 2002), 269–86.

62. Hilton Obenzinger, “Palestine Solidarity, Political Discourse, and the Peace Movement, 1982–1988,” CR: The New Centennial Review 8, no. 2 (2008): 234–36.

63. June Jordan, “Problems of Language in a Democratic State” (1985), in Some of Us Did Not Die: New and Selected Essays of June Jordan (New York: Basic, 2002), 223–32. Hereafter cited in the text.

64. Edward Said rebukes the mode of critique that frames its knowledge of the Lebanon atrocities through a “history-transcending universal rationalism” (“Permission to Narrate,” Journal of Palestine Studies 13, no. 3 [1984]: 47).

65. James Baldwin, The Evidence of Things Not Seen (New York: Macmillan, 1985), 39.

66. June Jordan, “Lebanon Press Conference,” June 30, 1982, Jordan, June, 1936–2002, T-331, Phon-38, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute.

67. June Jordan, “Apologies to All the People of Lebanon,” Village Voice, July 20, 1982, 32. Copyright 2005 by the June Jordan Literary Estate. Reprinted with the permission of the June M. Jordan Literary Estate. www.junejordan.com.

68. Nat Hentoff, “The End of the Silence / What Now for American Jews?,” Village Voice, August 24, 1982, 8.

69. Nat Hentoff, “The Other Israel—a Guide to Its Rising Voices,” Village Voice, October 18, 1982, 8.

70. Barry Singer, “Poetic Injustice,” Village Voice, August 3, 1982, 25.

71. June Jordan, “Sticks and Stones,” Village Voice, August 17, 1982, 3.

72. Gregory Orfalea, Wrapping the Grapeleaves: A Sheaf of Contemporary Arab-American Poets (Washington, D.C.: American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, 1982). See also Gregory Orfalea and Sharif Elmusa, eds., Grape Leaves: A Century of Arab-American Poetry (New York: Interlink, 1999).

73. All the quotations from the fund-raiser are drawn from Moving towards Home (November 28, 1982), Jordan, June, 1936–2002, T-331, Phon-38, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute.

74. See Mahmoud Darwish, Memory for Forgetfulness: August, Beirut, 1982, trans. Ibrahim Muhawi (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995).

75. Jordan, June, Papers 1954–2002, MC 513, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute.

76. June Jordan, “To Sing a Song of Palestine,” in Directed by Desire: The Collected Poems of June Jordan. Copyright 2005 by the June Jordan Literary Estate. Reprinted with the permission of the June M. Jordan Literary Estate. www.junejordan.com.

77. June Jordan, “Life after Lebanon,” in Some of Us Did Not Die (New York: Basic Books, 2003), 187. Hereafter cited in the text.

78. Greg Grandin, Empire’s Workshop: Latin America, the United States, and the Rise of the New Imperialism (New York: Holt, 2007).

79. Jordan, June, Papers 1954–2002, MC 513, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe Institute.

1. “President Bush and Secretary of State Rice Discuss the Middle East Crisis,” Office of the Press Secretary, August 7, 2006, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2006/08/20060807.html.

2. “President Bush Discusses Terror Plot upon Arrival in Wisconsin,” Office of the Press Secretary, August 10, 2006, http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2006/08/20060810–3.html.

3. Histories of the war include Amos Harel and Avi Issacharoff, Thirty-Four Days: Israel, Hezbollah, and the War in Lebanon (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); and Nubar Hovsepian, The War on Lebanon: A Reader (Northampton, Mass.: Olive Branch, 2007).

4. Derek Gregory, “The Death of the Civilian?,” Environment and Planning D 24, no. 5 (2006): 637. Gregory borrows the term infrahumanity from Paul Gilroy. “The native, the enemy, the prisoner and all the other shadowy ‘third things’ lodged between animal and human can only be held accountable under special emergency rules and fierce martial laws. Their lowly status underscores the fact that they cannot be reciprocally endowed with the same vital humanity enjoyed by their well-heeled captors, conquerors, judges, executioners, and other racial betters” (“‘Where Ignorant Armies Clash by Night’: Homogeneous Community and the Planetary Aspect,” International Journal of Cultural Studies 6, no. 3 [2003]: 263).

5. On the Cold War articulation of American antitotalitarianism infusing a race war without races, see Leerom Medovoi, “The Race War Within: The Biopolitics of the Long Cold War,” in American Literature and Culture in an Age of Cold War: A Critical Reassessment, ed. Steven Belletto and Daniel Grausman (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 2012), 163–86.

6. See, for instance, “Verbal Front in the Terror War: ‘Islamofascism,’” NPR Day to Day, August 15, 2006, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=5651001.

7. Norman Podhoretz, World War IV: The Long Struggle against Islamofascism (New York: Basic Books, 2007), 213–14. Hereafter cited in the text. Bernard Lewis echoed Podhoretz’s historical analysis: “The better part of my life was dominated by two great struggles—the first against Nazism, the second against Bolshevism. In both of these, after long and bitter conflict, we were victorious. . . . Today we confront a third totalitarian perversion, this time of Islam” (“Second Acts,” Atlantic Monthly, November 2007, 23).

8. For insightful analysis of the gendered racialization organizing Kennan’s narrative, see Jodi Kim, Ends of Empire: Asian American Critique and the Cold War (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2010), 46–51.

9. See the conference “Will History Repeat Itself? Is It 1938 All Over Again?,” Center for Jewish Studies, Queens College of the City University of New York, April 22–23, 2007, which included Podhoretz and Hillel Halkin, both of whose lectures were revised and published in Commentary in June 2007.

10. Ian Buruma likewise places World War IV in a longer intellectual trajectory that originates in “My Negro Problem.” See “His Toughness Problem—and Ours,” New York Review of Books 54, no. 14 (2007): 10–18.

11. On the Cold War residues of the law and order state to sustain frameworks of racialized warfare in the political present, see Nikhil Singh, “Racial Formation in an Age of Permanent War,” in Racial Formation in the Twenty-First Century, ed. Daniel Ho Sang et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 276–301.

12. Stephen Graham, Cities under Siege: The New Military Urbanism (London: Verso, 2010), 228.

13. Ali Abunimah, The Battle for Justice in Palestine (Chicago: Haymarket, 2014), 1–20.

14. See Matt Apuzzo and Adam Goldman, Enemies Within: Inside the NYPD’s Secret Spying Unit and Bin Laden’s Final Plot against America (New York: Touchstone, 2013).

15. See José I. Fusté, “Containing Bordered ‘Others’ in La Frontera and Gaza: Comparative Lessons on Racializing Discourses and State Violence,” American Quarterly 62, no. 4 (2010): 811–19.

16. Lisa Hajjar, “International Humanitarian Law and ‘Wars on Terror’: A Comparative Analysis of Israeli and American Doctrines and Policies,” Journal of Palestine Studies 36, no. 1 (2006): 21–42.

17. Naber, Souky, and Baroudi, “The Forgotten ‘-Ism.’” The essay was reprinted in Color of Violence: The Incite! Anthology (Boston: South End, 2006). Many thanks to Nadine Naber for this reference.

18. Omar Barghouti, Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions: The Global Struggle for Palestinian Rights (Chicago: Haymarket Books, 2011), 52–53.

19. See “NGO Forum Declaration and Programme of Action,” http://academic.udayton.edu/race/06hrights/WCAR2001/NGOFORUM/ (accessed July 8, 2014).

20. Omar Barghouti, “Relative Humanity: Identity, Rights, and Ethics: Israel as a Case Study,” PMLA 121, no. 5 (2006): 1536–43.

21. Barghouti, Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions, 6.

22. Nora Barrows-Friedman, In Our Power: U.S. Students Organize for Justice in Palestine (Charlottesville, Va.: Just World Books, 2014).

23. “Council Statement on the Boycott of Israeli Academic Institutions,” American Studies Association, December 4, 2013.

24. These included Bill V. Mullen, J. Kēhaulani Kauanui, Robin D. G. Kelley, Nikhil Pal Singh, Sunaina Maira, and Neferti X. M. Tadiar. In July 2012 Social Text Periscope published expanded reflections by these scholars. See “Palestine,” Social Text Periscope, http://socialtextjournal.org/periscope_topic/palestine/ (accessed July 8, 2014). This delegation followed a group of indigenous and women of color feminists the previous summer, which included Rabab Abdulhadi, Ayoka Chenzira, Angela Y. Davis, Gina Dent, Melissa Garcia, Anna Romina Guevarra, Beverly Guy-Sheftall, Premilla Nadasen, Barbara Ransby, Chandra Talpade Mohanty, and Waziyatawin. See “Palestine Statement: Justice for Palestine: A Call to Action from Indigenous and Women of Color Feminists,” Transforming Anthropology: Journal of the Association of Black Anthropologists 20, no. 1 (2012): 90–92. 

25. For the text of the presentations delivered by Alex Lubin, Steven Salaita, J. Kēhaulani Kauanui, and Jasbir Puar, see “Substantive Erasures: Essays on Academic Boycott and the American Studies Association,” Jadaliyya, December 23, 2014, http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/15697/substantive-erasures_essays-on-academic-boycott-an.

26. “Council Statement on the Boycott of Israeli Academic Institutions.”

27. See Jodi Melamed, “Dangerous Associations,” American Quarterly 66, no. 2 (2014): 289–300; Journal of Academic Freedom 4 (2013); and Judith Butler, “Academic Freedom and the ASA’s Boycott of Israel: A Response to Michelle Goldberg,” Nation Online, December 8, 2013, http://www.thenation.com/article/177512/academic-freedom-and-asas-boycott-israel-response-michelle-goldberg. For an earlier account of the paucity of academic freedom for Palestinians in the everyday practice of education, see Amy Kaplan, “In Palestine, Occupational Hazards,” Chronicle Review, November 7, 2010.

28. In January 2015, the National Women’s Studies Association released a solidarity statement to underscore its “support of academic freedom, political dissent, and the pursuit of education and research without undue state interference or repression.” The statement grew out of a plenary session on Palestine at the 2014 conference.

29. Quoted in Alex Lubin, “Breaking ‘America’s Last Taboo,’” Middle East Research and Information Project, November 27, 2013.

30. The journal Settler Colonial Studies devoted one of its first issues to the theme, “Past Is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine.” The journal reprinted an extended excerpt of Fayez Sayegh’s 1965 monograph, “Zionist Colonialism in Palestine.”