Notes

1. Walden, “Die Kunst an den Wurzeln.” All of Der Sturm journal is available online at Blue Mountain Project: Historic Avant-Garde Journals for Digital Research: bluemountain.princeton.edu. Unless otherwise noted, translations are mine.

2. Owens, “Allegorical Impulse,” pts. 1–2.

3. In 1968 Leo Steinberg concluded, “We may take it for granted that in this system all narrative and symbolic content had to drain out of painting because that kind of content was held in common with literature” (“Other Criteria,” 67).

4. One book in English assesses the writers associated with the journal: M. S. Jones, Der Sturm.

5. For example, in “Tänzerinnen” (Dancers), Alfred Döblin reprises a fictionalized theory of music and Jacques Rivière’s essay “Baudelaire” is translated from the French.

6. See Birthälmer and Finckh, Der Sturm; and Hülsen-Esch and Finckh, Der Sturm. Most recently (2015–16), the exhibit Sturm-Frauen (Sturm-women) was enormously popular at the Schirn Kunsthalle Frankfurt. See Pfeiffer and Hollein, Sturm-Frauen. On women at Der Sturm, see also Van Rijn, “Bildende Künstlerinnen im Berliner ‘Sturm’ der 1910er Jahre.”

7. See Gross, “Believe Me, Faithfully Yours,” 126–27.

8. Bohan, Société Anonyme’s Brooklyn Exhibition, 1–7.

9. The official name was Internationale Kunstausstellung des Sonderbundes Westdeutscher Kunstfreunde und Künstler (International art exhibition of the special association of west German friends of art and artists). The Van Gogh is Mlle Ravoux (1890, Cleveland Museum of Art). See Bohan, Société Anonyme’s Brooklyn Exhibition, 7.

10. Dreier’s two paintings were Blue Bowl (1911, Yale University Art Gallery) and The Avenue, Holland. See Bohan, Société Anonyme’s Brooklyn Exhibition, 7. The latter painting was recently identified as Landscape with Figures in Woods (ca. 1911–12, George Walter Vincent Smith Art Museum, Springfield, Mass.). See Fort, “Identifying a Painting by Katherine Dreier”; and Kushner, Orcutt, and Blake, Armory Show at 100.

11. On all three exhibitions, see Altshuler, Avant-Garde in Exhibition. On Der Sturm’s exhibit, see Lüttichau, “Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon, Berlin 1913,” 130–53. Dreier’s library contained a copy of the catalog: Walden, Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon. However, it is inscribed “K. S. Dreier, 1922,” suggesting a later date of acquisition. A receipt from Der Sturm in 1922 notes a “Kandinsky Album,” presumably Walden, Kandinsky, 1901–1913. See YCAL MSS 101, box 33, folder 977, Katherine S. Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive, Yale Collection of American Literature, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library (hereafter cited as Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive).

12. The catalog numbers 366 works, but several entries suggest more than one work per number. The size of the space is noted frequently in correspondence, e.g., H. Walden to Delaunay, 2 August 1913, quoted in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 508. The site had become available for development when the botanical garden was moved from Schöneberg to Dahlem. Numerous contemporaries refer to the rented space as “Lepke-Räume” (Lepke rooms) and therefore suggest that Rudolph Lepke—whose Kunst-Auctions-Haus (art auction house) moved to Potsdamer Strasse 122A/B (now number 57) in 1912 and whose business partners included Emil Benjamin, the father of Walter Benjamin—rented the exhibition space to Walden. A postwar reconstruction of the building that housed the Autumn Salon stands today at (renumbered) Potsdamer Strasse 180–82. See Nägele and Markert, Die Potsdamer Strasse, 17–30, 107–9, 113–14. With support from Digital Bridges for Humanistic Inquiry, A Grinnell College / University of Iowa Partnership, I am working with Grinnell undergraduate students and Grinnell image curator Karen Hueftle-Worley to build a three-dimensional visualization of the First German Autumn Salon.

13. I attribute its radicalness to the fact that Der Sturm explicitly exhibited works that had been rejected by the Sonderbund exhibition and its internationalism to its inclusion of far more Italians, Germans, Russians, and Eastern Europeans than either previous show had. See Anger, “Der Sturm, the Société Anonyme, and Modern Art in America.”

14. A letter from August Macke, who helped organize the Autumn Salon, includes Duchamp in a list of sixty-nine potential participants. See Macke to H. Walden, 21 April 1913, Sturm-Archiv, Handschriftenabteilung, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin (hereafter cited as Sturm-Archiv). A translation is in Long, German Expressionism, 59–60. Little is known of Duchamp’s stay in Munich. See DeDuve, “Resonances of Duchamp’s Stay in Munich.”

15. Duchamp to Jacques Villon and family, 26 September 1912, quoted in Duchamp, Affectionately, Marcel, 25–26.

16. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 750.

17. Dreier to Rudolf Blümner, 16 August 1920, YCAL MSS 101, box 33, folder 977, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

18. Dreier, International Exhibition of Modern Art. For a more detailed analysis of the catalog, see Anger, “Der Sturm, the Société Anonyme, and Modern Art in America,” 561–64.

19. The area has been substantially reconfigured, most recently after German reunification in 1989. The site of the former gallery would be near today’s Alte Potsdamer Strasse and Marlene-Dietrich-Platz. See Nägele and Markert, Die Potsdamer Strasse, 453–56.

20. Gross, “Believe Me, Faithfully Yours,” 123–41.

21. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 1–33. “Société Anonyme” also refers to an earlier group that used it: the impressionists.

22. Bürger identified these divisions in Theory of the Avant-Garde. Although some historians have critiqued specifics of his theory, many of the same ones have reified the “historical avant-garde” as a widely accepted category.

23. Walden, “Musikunterricht,” 289.

24. Greenberg, “Towards a Newer Laocoön,” 32.

25. Greenberg, “Modernist Painting,” 86.

26. Owens, “Allegorical Impulse,” pt. 2, 80.

27. Owens, “Allegorical Impulse,” pt. 1, 75.

28. Foster, “Design and Crime,” 25.

29. Foster, “Proper Subject,” 79–80. Foster quotes Kraus, Dicta and Contradicta, 11. Regarding perversion, Foster fails to take into account that Kraus also wrote an essay, “Perversity,” in which he condemned the condemnation of (sexual) perversity, on the grounds that everyone has the right to privacy. Kraus wrote that essay for Der Sturm—for which he served as primary financial support during its inaugural year (“Die Perversität”).

30. Greenberg, “Towards a Newer Laocoön,” 30.

31. Ibid., 31.

32. Ibid.

33. Ibid., 32n2.

34. Pater, “School of Giorgione,” 833.

35. Susan Bernstein calls this commonly invoked union of form and sense the “musical alibi” or the “semiologists’ Golden Age” (Virtuosity of the Nineteenth Century, 50).

36. Pater, “School of Giorgione,” 833.

37. Ibid., 832, brackets original.

38. Baudelaire, “Richard Wagner and Tannhäuser in Paris,” 116, translation modified.

39. Bernstein, Virtuosity of the Nineteenth Century, 142.

40. Liszt, Lohengrin et Tannhäuser de Richard Wagner, quoted in ibid., emphases are Baudelaire’s; ellipses are Bernstein’s.

41. Ibid., ellipses mine.

42. Culler, On Deconstruction, 147.

43. Anger, Paul Klee and the Decorative in Modern Art, 7–8. Derrida makes his case in “Parergon,” in Truth in Painting, 15–147.

44. Ricoeur, “Metaphorical Process as Cognition, Imagination, and Feeling,” 145.

45. Ibid., 147.

46. Ibid., 154–55.

47. Ricoeur draws on Martin Heidegger’s theory that “feeling” is what “attunes” us to reality (ibid., 158).

48. For another account of nonautonomy and metaphor at Der Sturm, see Riccardo Marchi, “‘Pure Painting’ in Berlin,” “October 1912,” and “Kandinsky, l’abstraction et le monde en 1913.”

49. I draw my quotations from the texts’ substantial excerpts in the more accessible volume Mülhaupt, Herwarth Walden, 1878–1941. Neither Einblick in Kunst nor Die neue Malerei is translated.

50. The translation misses the German wordplay, typical of Walden: “Die meisten Menschen leben in Begriffen, die sie nicht begriffen haben, die sie aber greifen” (Einblick in Kunst, 63).

51. Ibid., 60.

52. The aptness of Walden’s statement is enhanced by the reader’s recognition of the frequent implication of the German prefix ver- to be false or negative. Ibid., 61.

53. Walden, Die neue Malerei, 66.

54. Ibid., 67.

55. Walden, “Franz Marc.”

56. Walden, “Umberto Boccioni.” The first sentence, “Alles Vergängliche ist nur ein Gleichnis,” comes from Goethe’s Faust 2 (1832), act 5 (Chorus Mysticus). The well-known line was incorporated into Liszt’s Faust Symphony (1857) as well as Gustav Mahler’s Symphony no. 8 in E-flat Major (1906).

57. Walden, “August Stramm.”

58. Walden, “Paul Scheerbart.”

59. Walden likely knew that Nietzsche had inverted the aphorism before him. In a parodic poem, “To Goethe,” Nietzsche begins, “All that is permanent / is merely your parable!” (Gay Science, 249).

60. Döblin, “Gespräche mit Kalypso,” 92.

61. Rivière, “Baudelaire,” 162.

62. Hoeber, “Das Musikalische in der Architektur,” 108. See Hodonyi’s analysis in Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 262–69.

63. Walden, “Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon.” Walden’s opening speech is also in the catalog, Walden, Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon. An English translation appears as Walden, “‘Introduction,’ First German Autumn Salon,” quoted in Long, German Expressionism, 57–59.

64. Schreyer, “Anschauung und Gleichnis,” 83–93. On Zarnower, see Bilang, Frauen im “Sturm,” 210–15.

65. Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 269, 276, 282.

66. Danielle Follett addresses the “perhaps surprising relation” between the Gesamtkunstwerk and chance, arguing “that the adoption of chance methods in creative activity is inseparable from the continued late- and postromantic desire for infinity, if not totality” (“Tout et n’importe quoi,” 86).

67. Schwitters and Rolan, “Aus der Welt,” 96.

68. Marchi, “Kandinsky, l’abstraction et le monde en 1913,” 77–78.

69. Nietzsche, Birth of Tragedy, 79, translation modified; Die Geburt der Tragödie, in Nietzsche, “Nietzsche Source.”

70. Ibid., translation modified. Cf. Nietzsche’s more restrictive use of Metapher (metaphor) in Schrift, Nietzsche and the Question of Interpretation, 123–29.

71. Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 72–75.

72. The first serious analysis of the Verein für Kunst is Chytraeus-Auerbach, “Herwarth Waldens frühe Aktivitäten.”

73. Program for Nietzsche Evening, Verein für Kunst, Berlin, 1905, GSA 102/599, Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, Klassik Stiftung Weimar.

74. On Klinger and Nietzsche, see Morton, Max Klinger and Wilhelmine Culture, 350–55.

75. Nietzsche, “On the Vision and the Riddle,” in Thus Spoke Zarathustra, 127.

76. Nietzsche, “Herbstlich sonnige Tage” (NWV 33, 1867, text by Emanuel Geibel); Nietzsche, “Nachspiel” (NWV 21, 1864, text by Alexander Petöfi); and Nietzsche, “Die junge Fischerin” (NWV 29, 1865), in Janz, Friedrich Nietzsche, 53–54, 69–75, 80–83.

77. Its first publication was as “Vereinsamt,” but it is typically called “Der Freigeist” (The free spirit). Jörg Schönert summarizes the poem’s history in “Nietzsche,” 186. The poem appears (with two additional stanzas) as “Der Freigeist,” in Nachgelassene Fragmente: Herbst 1884 bis zum Herbst 1885, quoted in Nietzsche, “Nietzsche Source.”

78. Walden to Förster-Nietzsche, 14 January 190[5], quoted in Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 74.

79. Herwarth Walden, “Vereinsamt” (with text by Friedrich Nietzsche), op. 14, unpublished score, 1905, 1. GSA 72/3035 Seite 1 Blatt 1 verso, Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, Klassik Stiftung Weimar.

80. The speaker’s identity is complicated in “Freigeist” by the addition of two stanzas characterized as a “response.” Schönert argues that the free spirit talks to himself throughout (“Nietzsche”).

81. Nietzsche, “Freigeist.”

82. Nietzsche, Gay Science, 258–60.

83. Ibid., 258.

84. Ibid., translation modified.

85. Döblin to H. Walden, [January 1905], quoted in Döblin, Briefe, 29.

86. Nietzsche, “Homecoming,” 146.

87. Miller, “Gleichnis in Nietzsche’s Also Sprach Zarathustra,” 273.

88. Walden, “Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon.”

89. Miller, “Gleichnis in Nietzsche’s Also Sprach Zarathustra,” 273.

90. Ibid., 272.

91. Ibid., 273.

92. Frisby, Fragments of Modernity, 58. See translation in Simmel, “Sociological Aesthetics,” 68.

93. See Szondi, “Hope in the Past.”

94. Kandinsky, “Language of Forms and Colors,” 165; Kandinsky, “Formen- und Farben-Sprache,” 69.

95. Schwitters was honored with Der Sturm’s fourth Bilderbuch. See Walden, Kurt Schwitters.

96. Bernstein, Virtuosity of the Nineteenth Century, 142.

97. Bletter, “Interpretation of the Glass Dream.”

98. Rowe and Slutzky, “Transparency” and “Transparency . . . Part II.”

99. E. Lasker-Schüler to Dehmel, 19 February 1903, quoted in Decker, Mein Herz, 129.

100. The Sturm scholar Barbara Alms maintains, “Art meant ‘home’ to him [Walden]” (“Die frühen Jahre des Sturm”; and correspondence with the author, 10 July 2015).

101. See Bauschinger, “Berlin Moderns”; and Godé, “De la Spree à la Volga,” on Lasker-Schüler and Walden, respectively.

102. According to Mülhaupt, Jewish congregations in Berlin have no record of the Lewin family (Herwarth Walden, 7).

103. Walden, Herwarth Walden, 18.

104. Mülhaupt, Herwarth Walden, 19. Her source is the later description of friend and fellow Sturmian, Lothar Schreyer, “Aus dem intimen Kreis des ‘Sturms’: Erinnerungen an Herwarth Walden,” Die Welt, 27 June 1966.

105. Walden’s Sturm shares this characteristic with Karl Ernst Osthaus’s Folkwang Museum in Hagen, which included Osthaus’s family apartments in its early years. Katherine Kuenzli reports that Osthaus’s successor for the Folkwang Museum in Essen, Ernst Gosebruch, likewise lived adjacent to the museum’s exhibition spaces (“Birth of the Modernist Museum”).

106. Schwitters, “Ich und meine Ziele.”

107. Gross, “Believe Me, Faithfully Yours,” 126–27.

108. Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism.’”

109. Demos, Exiles of Marcel Duchamp, 189–242.

110. Crow, “Fashioning the New York School,” 43.

111. Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 32–35.

1. Martin, “Musik im Sturm-Kreis,” 284, 296–300.

2. Ibid., 289–95.

3. Meyer, “Der Komponist Herwarth Walden,” 154.

4. Walden, “Kritik der vorexpressionistischen Dichtung,” 100, quoted in ibid.

5. Meyer, “Der Komponist Herwarth Walden,” 154. Ironically, the Sturm issue from which Meyer quotes Walden contains the latter’s first musical foray in some years. See Blümner, “Volkshymne,” 111.

6. The first page of the first issue of Der Sturm addresses the Gesamtkunstwerk. Karl Kraus derides Wagnerian operatic efforts to blend the arts and proposes that the operetta, which makes no effort to conceal its unreality, can blend plot and music into a harmonic whole (“Die Operette,” 1). The essay foreshadows Der Sturm’s engagement with, rather than acceptance or refusal of, the Gesamtkunstwerk’s potential.

7. Steinitz, Kurt Schwitters, 80.

8. Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 106, 293–94.

9. Essig, Der Taifun, 16. Hereafter cited in the text.

10. Altshuler, Avant-Garde in Exhibition, 78–97. Malevich participated in group shows at Der Sturm. See Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 252–53.

11. For example, Walden’s letters to Kraus frequently mention financial concerns in relation to Paul. See Kraus and Walden, Feinde in Scharen.

12. Lasker-Schüler, “Triumphator,” 654.

13. Lasker-Schüler, “Nochmals,” 126.

14. Noudelmann, Philosopher’s Touch, 98.

15. Ibid., 150.

16. Ibid., 52.

17. See Döblin, Briefe, 33, 63, 66.

18. Noudelmann, Philosopher’s Touch, 148.

19. Ibid., 114–15.

20. Jansa, “Walden, Herwarth,” 774–75.

21. Riemann, “Walden, Herwarth,” 1282.

22. Einstein, “Walden, Herwarth,” 687.

23. Meyer, “Der Komponist Herwarth Walden,” 143.

24. Riemann, “Ansorge, Konrad,” 32–33.

25. Ansorge to Georg Lewin, 10 March 1897, Sturm-Archiv. After the initial letter, Ansorge addresses the aspiring pianist by his pseudonym, Herwarth Walden.

26. Walden, Herwarth Walden, 67.

27. Only Ilse Zadrozny appears to have tried to verify that Walden received this scholarship. She discovered that the daughter of Princess Carolyne zu Sayn-Wittgenstein established a “Liszt Stipend for Outstanding Piano Playing,” along with the Liszt Foundation, in 1887. The Allgemeiner Deutscher Musik-Verein (ADMV, General German music society), which Liszt established in 1859, was to administer the awards each year on the composer’s birthday. The ADMV’s archives (now at the Franz Liszt Hochschule in Weimar) are, according to Zadrozny, “quite incomplete and contain only a very few names of stipendiates.” The records do not list a Herwarth Walden or a Georg Lewin. See Zadrozny, “Herwarth Walden’s Musical Activities,” 12–13.

28. Walden likely met Kokoschka through Kraus in Vienna in early 1910. See Streim, “Vienna—Berlin circa 1910,” 25.

29. Kokoschka, My Life, 59.

30. Freundlich to H. Walden, 17 October 1904, Sturm-Archiv.

31. Tantillo, Goethe’s “Elective Affinities” and the Critics.

32. Walker, “Liszt’s Beethoven Transcriptions.”

33. Liszt’s Battle of the Huns (1857) was based on Wilhelm von Kaulbach’s painting of the same name (1850, Neue Pinakothek, Munich). See Johns and Saffle, Symphonic Poems of Franz Liszt, 56.

34. Walker, Franz Liszt, 334–35.

35. Walker, Reflections on Liszt, 243.

36. Ibid., 17.

37. Liszt, Franz Liszts Briefe, ed. La Mara (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Härtel, 1893–1905), 2:35, quoted in ibid., emphasis added.

38. Liszt, preface to Symphonies de Beethoven: Partition du Piano (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Härtel, 1865), quoted in ibid., emphasis added.

39. Walker, Reflections on Liszt, 11–26.

40. Ibid., 19, 23.

41. Parakilas, Piano Roles, esp. 150–223; and Leppert, Sight of Sound.

42. Walker, “Liszt’s Beethoven Transcriptions.”

43. Walker, Franz Liszt, 118.

44. Sprengel, “Institutionalisierung,” 252. Sprengel cites letters from Ferdinand Gregoris and Bruno Wille to Walden.

45. Schlachtensee (Lake Schlachten) lies on the southern end of the large park, the Grunewald.

46. Decker, Mein Herz, 109–12.

47. A. R., “Zu unseren Bildern,” 241.

48. Jelavich, Berlin Cabaret, 64.

49. Ibid., 50.

50. Ibid., 68.

51. Sprengel, “Institutionalisierung,” and “Nachträgliches,” which reproduces about half of the prospectus (260). The official file, titled “Acta des Königlichen Polizei-Präsidii zu Berlin, betreffend Teloplasma ‘Tragische Kunst’ 1901,” hereafter cited as Teloplasma, is at the Landesarchiv Berlin. See Walden, Teloplasma prospectus, in Teloplasma.

52. Walden, Teloplasma prospectus, 14. See Wagner, Art-Work of the Future.

53. Dr. B., “Teloplasma,” Das Kleine Journal, no. 302, 1 November 1901, quoted in Walden, Teloplasma.

54. Walden, Teloplasma prospectus.

55. Walden’s Nietzscheanism is reflected in the choice of a tragic evening as premiere; recall that Nietzsche first articulated art as Gleichnis in Birth of Tragedy.

56. “Im Künstlerhaus,” Berliner Börsen-Courier, no. 228, 28 September 1901, quoted in Walden, Teloplasma. “P.B.” describes the color as “a burning red” in P. B., “Das Teloplasma,” Berliner Tageblatt, no. 536, 1 November 1901, quoted in Walden, Teloplasma.

57. The critic “g” describes “a very modestly decorated, bourgeois living room” (“Teloplasma,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 31 October 1901, quoted in Walden, Teloplasma).

58. Schall und Rauch also displayed reproductions of paintings. According to Jelavich, the theater designed by Behrens incorporated (reproduced) Böcklin paintings (Berlin Cabaret, 69–70).

59. -wig, “Teloplasma, Kabaret für Hohenkunst,” Die Welt am Sonntag, no. 39, 29 September 1901, and “Im Künstlerhaus,” quoted in Walden, Teloplasma.

60. Sprengel lists the evening’s offerings in “Nachträgliches,” 258.

61. Walden, second Teloplasma program, quoted in Teloplasma.

62. Dr. B., “Teloplasma,” quoted in Walden, Teloplasma.

63. Liszt, Über die Musik der Zigeuner in Ungarn, in Gesammelte Schriften, ed. Lina Ramann (Leipzig: Breitkopf and Härtel, 1881), 6:334, quoted in Bernstein, Virtuosity, 90.

64. Ibid., 6:336, quoted in ibid., 92.

65. Walden, Teloplasma prospectus.

66. The end of the second program notes the plan for the third evening; ibid.

67. Koss, Modernism after Wagner, 50–58.

68. According to one reviewer, the audience complained so much during one performance that candles were brought out to help. See “Im Künstlerhaus,” quoted in Walden, Teloplasma.

69. Koss, Modernism after Wagner, 48–49.

70. One critic in particular complained about the program’s length. The “erotic” evening opened at 8 p.m., but the longest reading reputedly did not begin before 10:30 p.m. See P. B., “Das Teloplasma.”

71. Securing Dehmel was something of a feat, since he was not generous toward the cabaret movement in general. He complained publicly, for example, that his poems were published in cabaret booklets without his consent. See Jelavich, Berlin Cabaret, 52.

72. Segel, Turn-of-the-Century Cabaret, 137–40.

73. Bab, “Richard Vallentin,” 93.

74. Hille to E. Lasker-Schüler, n.d., in Hille, Briefe Peter Hilles an Else Lasker-Schüler, 37.

75. Schalom Ben-Chorin, quoted in Newton, “Introduction,” 37.

76. Kerr, “Teloplasma,” 348.

77. Walden, Verein für Kunst proposal, quoted in Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 48.

78. See, for example, Franz Marc to August Macke, 12 April 1913, quoted in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 505.

79. Correspondence with all three men focuses on their programs for the Verein für Kunst. Correspondence also survives with Arnold Schoenberg, but it is unlikely that Schoenberg performed for the Verein für Kunst. See Sturm-Archiv.

80. Martin, “Musik im Sturm-Kreis,” 296–300.

81. “Nervus erotis” and “Orgie” are as provocative as their titles suggest (and remain untranslated). See Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 38, 42.

82. Decker, Mein Herz, 117–18.

83. Bauschinger, Else Lasker-Schüler, 85. The source of the rare German name Herwarth remains obscure.

84. Thoreau, Walden, 175. The inspired translation is by Emma Emmerich (Thoreau, Walden, 219).

85. Lasker-Schüler apparently pestered Juncker to find out whether he could deliver a load of Styx books to the Künstlerhaus in time for Teloplasma. See Decker, Mein Herz, 126.

86. The others were “Lenzleid” (Spring sorrow) and “Elegie” (Elegy). See Teloplasma program, in Walden, Teloplasma, 35. Lasker-Schüler, Your Diamond Dreams Cut Open My Arteries, 103, 93; Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 50, 67.

87. Lasker-Schüler, Your Diamond Dreams Cut Open My Arteries, 77, translation modified; Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 54.

88. Lasker-Schüler, typescript of “Fortissimo,” in Walden, Teloplasma. This and the other poems in the Teloplasma file may be copies of the typescripts for Lasker-Schüler’s collection, Styx, in which “Fortissimo” first appeared.

89. The collection included the two poems that the censor cut from Teloplasma, “Nervus erotis” and “Orgie,” as well as “Frau Dämon” (Lady demon) and “Sehnsucht” (Desire). See Grabein, Liebeslieder moderner Frauen, 107–10. The latter two, untranslated poems are in Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 15, 17.

90. Lasker-Schüler’s divorce from Lasker was final 11 April 1903. She married Walden 30 November 1903. See Decker, Mein Herz, 137–38.

91. Lasker-Schüler, “Adolf Loos,” 124.

92. Lasker-Schüler, “Ein alter Tibetteppich,” 328. Walden published Lasker-Schüler in every journal (i.e., Das Magazin, Morgen, and Das Theater) that he edited prior to Der Sturm, where her work appeared regularly as of the fourth issue.

93. Lasker-Schüler, Your Diamond Dreams Cut Open My Arteries, 137, translation modified; Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 130.

94. Kraus, editorial note following Lasker-Schüler, “Ein alter Tibetteppich,” 36. Decker notes wryly that Lasker-Schüler “always had her doubts about the comparison.” She quotes Paul Goldscheider, who remembered Lasker-Schüler’s remark: “But he [Goethe] rhymed ‘Wipfeln’ and ‘Gipfeln.’ No poet gets to do that!” See Schmid-Ospach, Lasker-Schüler, 53, quoted in Decker, Mein Herz, 17.

95. Lasker-Schüler, Your Diamond Dreams Cut Open My Arteries, 63, ellipsis original; Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 41.

96. Walden, Zehn Gesänge zu Dichtungen der Else Lasker-Schüler. Walden published a defense of the collection (by the same title) already in 1904. To date, scholars have located just three of the “Ten Songs.” The others are “Vergeltung” (Retaliation), op. 1, no. 2, and “Verdammnis” (Damnation), op. 1, no. 3. The poems are in Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 65, 50. A translation of the latter is in Lasker-Schüler, Your Diamond Dreams Cut Open My Arteries, 73. In 1910 Walden published his handwritten score to another of her poems, “Weltflucht” (Flight from the world), in Der Sturm 1, no. 35 (1910): 278, quoted in Lasker-Schüler, Your Diamond Dreams Cut Open My Arteries, 57; Lasker-Schüler, Gedichte, 34. It is unknown when he composed the music.

97. E. Lasker-Schüler to Dehmel, quoted in Decker, Mein Herz, 129.

98. The sanatorium was in Birkenwerder, just inside the northern edge of the Berlin Ring. The nature of her illness is uncertain; Decker hypothesizes that it was an abdominal infection (Mein Herz, 127–29).

99. Meyer, “Der Komponist Herwarth Walden,” 147. See also Niemöller, “Gedichte Else Lasker-Schülers in der Vertonung von Herwarth Walden.”

100. Decker, Mein Herz, 128.

101. Walden, “Zehn Gesänge zu Dichtungen von Else Lasker-Schüler.”

102. Mahler to H. Walden, 29 November 1906 and 11 December 1906, Sturm-Archiv. Meyer reports that the score for Walden’s opera, Der Nachtwächter, is in the Würtembergische Landesbibliothek (“Der Komponist Herwarth Walden,” 144).

103. Mahler to H. Walden, 28 January 1907 and n.d., Sturm-Archiv.

104. On the opera’s fate, see Kraus and Walden, Feinde in Scharen, 135, 137, 223, 296.

105. Lasker-Schüler, Briefe an Karl Kraus, 22–23, 25.

106. Döblin, “Zwei Liederabende.”

107. According to the Japanese composer Kosaku Yamada, however, Walden’s role as composer facilitated their personal bond in Berlin in 1913. When Yamada and the painter Kazo Saito returned home, Walden entrusted them with one hundred fifty prints for the first and only Sturm exhibit in Tokyo (March 1914). See Arnold, “Der Sturm,” 106–19.

108. Walden, “Wort- und Tonlyrik,” 182.

109. Ibid., 183.

110. Ibid., 185.

111. Ansorge, “Auf See.”

112. Ibid., 186.

113. Walden, Richard Strauss.

114. On the regular criticism of Strauss in Der Sturm, see Meyer, “Der Komponist Herwarth Walden,” 139–41; and Martin, “Musik im Sturm-Kreis,” 286–89. Wagner targeted his anti-Semitism at Moritz Schlesinger, who ran the Parisian branch of the Schlesinger empire. See Weiner, “Wagner and the Vocal Iconography of Race and Nation,” 79–80. It is unknown whether Walden was aware of these connections.

115. Walden, Parsifal, 8.

116. Ibid., 9.

117. Ibid., 8.

118. Ibid., 9.

119. Strauss, “Kandinsky and ‘Der Sturm,’” 31–36.

120. For an extended analysis of the painting in relation to Schoenberg’s music, Kandinsky’s preparatory sketches, and his writings about color, see Frisch, German Modernism: Music and the Arts, 118–37.

121. See Marc to Macke, 1 March 1912, quoted in Macke and Marc, August Macke, Franz Marc, 109.

122. H. Walden to Kandinsky, 1 March 1912, and H. Walden to Kandinsky, 13 March 1912, quoted in Bilang, Wassily Kandinsky, Gabriele Münter, Herwarth Walden, 11, 13.

123. Kandinsky, “Language of Forms and Colors”; the excerpt in German in Der Sturm is on pp. 29–35. Kandinsky, “Formen- und Farben-Sprache,” in Über das Geistige in der Kunst, 66–112; the excerpt in Der Sturm is on pp. 69–85.

124. Kandinsky, “Language of Forms and Colors,” 165; Kandinsky, “Formen- und Farben-Sprache,” 69.

125. Ibid., 168–69; ibid., 74–75.

126. Ibid., 176; ibid., 84.

127. Kandinsky, “On Understanding Art,” 286–90; Kandinsky, “Ueber Kunstverstehen,” 137–38.

128. Marchi, “October 1912,” 57–58.

129. Strauss, “Kandinsky and ‘Der Sturm,’” 32.

130. Kandinsky, “On Understanding Art,” 289, translation modified. I borrow from Marchi’s translation in “October 1912,” 59. Kandinsky, “Ueber Kunstverstehen,” 138.

131. Kandinsky, “On Understanding,” 290, translation modified; Kandinsky, “Ueber Kunstverstehen,” 138.

132. Strauss, “Kandinsky and ‘Der Sturm,’” 32.

133. H. Walden to Kandinsky, 2 October 1912, in Bilang, Wassily Kandinsky, Gabriele Münter, Herwarth Walden, 30.

134. The painting was destroyed during World War II.

135. The flyer for the exhibit foregrounds Kandinsky’s membership in the Blaue Reiter, a group said to believe “that color eventually would mean to the eye what music does to the ear” (Wassily Kandinsky, exhibition flyer [New York: Société Anonyme, 1923], verso, Grinnell College Art Collection).

136. Elderfield, Kurt Schwitters, 30.

137. Schwitters’s self-inscribed copy is archived under “Publikationen anderer Autoren” at the Kurt Schwitters Archiv, Sprengel Museum, Hannover (hereafter cited as Schwitters Archiv).

138. Dietrich discusses the Klee-Schwitters relationship in Dietrich, Collages of Kurt Schwitters, 100–104.

139. Schwitters, “An Anna Blume.” In late 1919 the Hannover publisher Paul Steegemann built on the poem’s success by publishing a collection of poems, Schwitters, Anna Blume. The word Dada appeared on the cover, irritating Berlin Dadaists who felt that the name was theirs alone. Christoph Spengemann further capitalized on the poem’s notoriety and published it as Schwitters, Die Wahrheit über Anna Blume. Walden followed up with a volume including “Merz” as Schwitters’s middle name: Kurt Merz Schwitters, Elementar. For an excellent analysis of the poem and its reception, see Dietrich, “Hannover,” 159–63.

140. Merzz. 19 appeared at Der Sturm in spring 1920. According to Herbert, the work was “possibly” in the fifth Société Anonyme show in autumn 1920 and “probably” in the fourteenth in early spring 1921. Dreier purchased the work from Der Sturm in 1922. See Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 597–98.

141. Schwitters’s surviving collection of music theory includes heavily notated texts in “6.4 Musikliteratur,” Schwitters Archiv.

142. “6.5 Noten,” Schwitters Archiv.

143. On the Schwitters–Dreier relationship, see Webster, “Kurt Schwitters and Katherine Dreier”; and Luyken, “Schwitters und Amerika.”

144. K. Schwitters to H. Walden, 1 December 1915 [sic], 2–3, Sturm-Archiv. Uncharacteristically, Schwitters dated the letter incorrectly; all evidence points to 1920 for this correspondence.

145. He continues: “and as the man who recognized the new art and supported it with all his might” (K. Schwitters to Raoul Hausmann, 10 October 1921, Schwitters’s shorthand copy of letter in “Schwarzes Notizbuch VI,” Schwitters Archiv).

146. Schwitters, born in 1887, writes that he dedicated himself to the piano following an extended illness and an interlude of writing poetry in 1903: “Then music seemed to me to be the art. I learned to read music and played every afternoon.” (He turned to painting, he writes, in 1906.) His text is quoted in Nebel, “Kurt Schwitters,” 1.

147. Walden, “Entbietung,” quoted in “6.5 Noten, Neue Noten,” Schwitters Archiv.

148. In comparison with the bulk of Schwitters’s well-thumbed piano music, his copy of “Entbietung” appears pristine.

149. Luke hypothesizes that a handle visible in a Merzbau photograph may belong to that organ (Kurt Schwitters, 107).

150. See Gross, “Believe Me, Faithfully Yours,” on Dreier’s relationships with Kandinsky, Schwitters, and Duchamp.

151. Dreier, unpublished journal, October 1917–July 1918, n.p. Uncat. MSS 916, November 2006 Acquisition, box 2, Dreier Papers.

152. Historians’ interpretations of the relationship vary. Apter, for example, writes that Dreier “used the Société Anonyme to keep Duchamp in her service, if not by her side” (“Regimes of Coincidence,” 393). Gross is more sympathetic, suggesting that Dreier “mitigated his [Duchamp’s] extreme pessimism, and that it was the polarity of their partnership that had made possible the Société Anonyme’s breadth of vision” (“Artists’ Museum,” 14).

153. Dreier made one change, consciously or not; her “couldn’t” is “wouldn’t” in the original. See Sinclair, Tree of Heaven, 206.

154. She responded obliquely: “Told him I was glad he had told me. That I wasn’t conscious that the woman in me had sent it—” (Dreier, unpublished journal, Dreier Papers).

155. The drawing is likely Cemetery of Uniforms and Liveries, No. 2 (1914, Yale University Art Gallery), which Dreier gave to the Société Anonyme in 1948. See Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 228–29.

156. Joselit, Infinite Regress, 121.

157. Ibid., 124.

158. It is also listed as such in the Société Anonyme Logbook: YCAL MSS 101, box 90, folder 2323, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive. The work is reproduced to represent Duchamp in Dreier, International Exhibition, 23.

159. Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 105.

160. It is unusual but not unheard of to play a grand piano with the lid closed.

161. Demos analyzes this work in another photograph, in which it was suspended from Duchamp’s Buenos Aires balcony at night. He argues, “The Small Glass integrates the perceptual and physical connection to its site into its complex formal condition. Consequently, it is less an identity, autonomous and discrete, and more a relation, connective and contingent” (Exiles of Marcel Duchamp, 106–7). The relationality he suggests is enhanced dramatically when the work was in a place in which one could actually “assume the position” as instructed (one would have to hover in the air beyond the balcony to do so in the Buenos Aires photograph) and around the piano, which prescribes certain standing, sitting, and behavioral modes.

162. Benjamin asserts that André Breton was the first to recognize this possibility. Breton and Duchamp shared organization of this exhibit. See Benjamin, “Surrealism,” 181.

163. Demos, Exiles of Marcel Duchamp; and Vick, “New Look.”

164. Walden, Marc Chagall. See Dmitrieva, “Russische Künstler und Der Sturm,” 441–54. Dmitrieva says that Chagall’s To Russia “almost certainly” refers to the Donkey’s Tail exhibit in Moscow in 1912 (445).

165. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 154–56.

166. Duchamp, “Creative Act,” 139. Cf. Barthes, “Death of the Author.”

167. Ibid., 140.

1. Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 32–35.

2. Felski, Gender of Modernity, 5–7.

3. Döblin, “Gespräche mit Kalypso” and Gespräche mit Kalypso. In what follows, I cite from the journal, which is available online. Hereafter cited in the text.

4. Niemöller, “Musikästhetik als dramatische Dichtung,” 379–93. Johannes Balve addresses the work from the perspective of literary criticism in Ästhetik und Anthropologie bei Alfred Döblin.

5. Text from the notebook is reproduced in Balve, Ästhetik und Anthropologie bei Alfred Döblin, 251–53.

6. Niemöller, “Musikästhetik als dramatische Dichtung,” 383.

7. Döblin to H. Walden, [“end of January”] 1904, in Döblin, Briefe, 21.

8. Döblin’s position as a physician in Regensburg prohibited his attendance; he sent Walden a flurry of questions about the production. See Döblin to H. Walden, [22 November 1905], in ibid., 32–33.

9. Döblin to H. Walden, [8 January 1906], in ibid., 38.

10. Döblin to H. Walden, 2 August 1906, in ibid., 44.

11. Döblin to H. Walden, [1910], in ibid., 52.

12. Niemöller, “Musikästhetik als dramatische Dichtung,” 385.

13. Ibid., 383.

14. Döblin, “Gespräche mit Kalypso,” 42, 57, 58.

15. Ibid., 93, 119.

16. Niemöller, “Musikästhetik als dramatische Dichtung,” 390. Balve concurs in Ästhetik und Anthropologie bei Alfred Döblin, 173–74.

17. The tenth and “last” conversations are on the same page.

18. Kayser, “Alfred Döblin,” 4.

19. The Verein für Kunst schedule is difficult to substantiate. For groundbreaking research, see Chytraeus-Auerbach, “Herwarth Waldens frühe Aktivitäten,” 31.

20. Sontag, “Wagner’s Fluids,” 197–209.

21. Wagner, Art-Work of the Future, 110, translation modified; Wagner, Das Kunstwerk der Zukunft, 68.

22. Ibid., 112, translation modified; ibid., 70.

23. Ibid., 112–13, translation modified; ibid., 71–72.

24. Koss, Modernism after Wagner, 70.

25. Wagner, Art-Work of the Future, 189.

26. Ibid., 185.

27. Koss, Modernism after Wagner, 18.

28. Baudelaire to Wagner, 17 February 1860, quoted in Leonard, “Picturing Listening in the Late Nineteenth Century,” 269.

29. Nietzsche, “Toward New Seas,” in Gay Science, 258.

30. Editorial note, 258n7, ibid.

31. Nietzsche, Richard Wagner in Bayreuth, 37.

32. Nietzsche, Case of Wagner, 21.

33. Ibid., 22, Italian and final ellipsis original.

34. Noudelmann, Philosopher’s Touch, 76.

35. Ibid., 78.

36. Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 33.

37. Adorno, In Search of Wagner, 89.

38. Freud, “Civilization and Its Discontents,” 21:64–69.

39. Adorno, In Search of Wagner, 143.

40. Silverman, Flesh of My Flesh, 29. Silverman attributes the “manic pleasure of an imperial ego” to Nietzsche. I believe that he was more ambivalent than that assessment suggests. For an enlightening analysis of (and publication of) the Rolland–Freud correspondence, see Parsons, Enigma of the Oceanic Feeling.

41. Ibid., 9. She dates this period from Nietzsche’s Gay Science (1882) to Freud’s Moses and Monotheism (1939).

42. See Mallgrave and Ikonomou, Empathy, Form, and Space.

43. Vischer, “On the Optical Sense of Form” (1873), quoted in ibid., 104.

44. Mallgrave and Ikonomou, Empathy, Form, and Space, 105.

45. Ibid., 111.

46. Wagner uses the term Mitfühlung (feeling with). See Koss, Modernism after Wagner, 21.

47. Ibid., 79.

48. Ibid., 83.

49. Worringer, Abstraction and Empathy, 4.

50. Worringer devotes a chapter of the book to ornament (51–77). His conclusion makes clear that even the Gothic, which he associates most closely with abstraction, was not averse to empathy: “The need for empathy of this inharmonious people does not take the nearest at-hand path to the organic. . . . it needs rather that uncanny pathos which attaches to the animation of the inorganic” (77). Van de Velde was also an invited guest at the Verein für Kunst. See Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 78–84.

51. Koss, Modernism after Wagner, 89.

52. Rifkin, Empathic Civilization.

53. Marc to Piper, 20 April 1910, in Piper, Briefwechsel mit Autoren und Künstlern, 120–21.

54. Döblin expresses doubt that he will get a desirable position because “I am not an Aryan” (Döblin to H. Walden, [1906], in Briefe, 43).

55. Originally part of the poem “Müde” (Tired), the stanza is often published alone with the title of the entire collection, Styx. See Lasker-Schüler, Your Diamond Dreams Cut Open My Arteries, 100–101; Lasker-Schüler, Styx, 63.

56. Ibid., 69; ibid., 45.

57. Lasker-Schüler, Styx, 34; see also Lasker-Schüler, Styx, 46–47.

58. Schreyer, Erinnerungen an Sturm und Bauhaus, 7.

59. Chytraeus-Auerbach speculates that the Blaue Reiter artists informed Walden about the Futurists (“Der Sturm und der italienische Futurismus,” 287).

60. Boccioni to Carrà, [12] April 1912, quoted in Chytraeus-Auerbach, “Der Sturm und der italienische Futurismus,” 289.

61. Boccioni et al., “Manifest der Futuristen”; and Marinetti, “Manifest des Futurismus,” 29.

62. Boccioni et al., “Futuristen: Die Aussteller an das Publikum.” An English translation, “The Exhibitors to the Public,” appears in Apollonio, Futurist Manifestos, 45–50. Antliff reports that Boccioni wrote most of the original text (“Fourth Dimension and Futurism,” 730).

63. Two works in the catalog (Boccioni’s Razzia and Severini’s Impressions of a Journey) were not in Berlin, because they had been sold in Paris. See Chytraeus-Auerbach, “Der Sturm und der italienische Futurismus,” 289. The catalog is Walden, Der Sturm: Zweite Ausstellung, reproduced in Pacini, Esposizioni futuriste.

64. Walden and Schreyer, Der Sturm, 15.

65. Poggi reports that this serata was at the Politeama Garibaldi in Treviso on 2 June 1911 (Inventing Futurism, 214).

66. “Kleine Mitteilungen,” Berliner Tageblatt, 19 April 1912, quoted in Chytraeus-Auerbach, “Der Sturm und der italienische Futurismus,” 291.

67. A reviewer after the event declared Marinetti’s aims to be literary and inappropriate for painting. See excerpts of p.m., “Die Conférence des Futuristenführers,” Berliner Tageblatt, 23 April 1912, quoted in ibid., 301–2n23.

68. Cf. Poggi, Inventing Futurism, 192–93.

69. Antliff, “Fourth Dimension and Futurism,” 730.

70. Boccioni et al., “Exhibitors to the Public,” quoted in ibid. The German is in Walden, Der Sturm: Zweite Ausstellung, 17.

71. Antliff, “Fourth Dimension and Futurism,” 730.

72. Ibid.

73. Boccioni, quoted in Walden, Der Sturm: Zweite Ausstellung.

74. Hirsch, “Carlo Carrà’s ‘The Swimmers,’” 122–23.

75. Ibid., 124. On the poem’s popularity at readings, Hirsch cites Joshua C. Taylor, Futurism (New York: Doubleday, 1961), 25; and Marianne W. Martin, Futurist Art and Theory (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968), 89.

76. Walden, Der Sturm: Zweite Ausstellung, 40.

77. Altomare, “Nuotando nel Tevere,” ellipses original. For the translation I have borrowed from Hirsch, “Carlo Carrà’s ‘The Swimmers,’” 124; and Podavini, “Anthology Poeti futuristi,” 48.

78. Podavini, “Anthology Poeti futuristi,” 48.

79. Bergson, Materie und Gedächtnis. The English translation followed in 1911: Bergson, Matter and Memory.

80. Bergson, Schöpferische Entwicklung. The English translation dates to 1911: Bergson, Creative Evolution. Demonstrating the Sturm circle’s interest in Bergson, the journal included the new translation of Bergson’s Introduction to Metaphysics (1903) in its short list of “recommended books” in 1913. See Bergson, Einführung in die Metaphysik and its advertisement in “Empfohlene Bücher,” Der Sturm 4, nos. 170–71 (1913): 71.

81. Bergson, Creative Evolution, 204.

82. Ibid., 203.

83. This principle persists in Döblin’s later “Berliner Programm,” in which he promotes an objective, cinematic style: “Poetry swings in the duration like music between the formed sounds” (“An Romanautoren und ihre Kritiker,” 18).

84. Boccioni et al., “Futuristen: Die Aussteller,” 4; and Boccioni, “Aussteller,” quoted in Walden, Der Sturm: Zweite Ausstellung, 18.

85. Döblin, “Die Bilder der Futuristen,” 41. For an extensive analysis of this text, see Marchi, “‘Pure Painting’ in Berlin” (esp. 78–108).

86. Ibid., 42.

87. Saint-Point, “Manifesto of the Futurist Woman,” 163–66.

88. Saint-Point, “Manifest der futuristischen Frau.”

89. Saint-Point, “Manifesto of the Futurist Woman,” 163.

90. Ibid.

91. For more on Saint-Point, see Poggi, Inventing Futurism, 222–29; and Bentivoglio, “Valentine de Saint-Point,” 7–15.

92. Chytraeus-Auerbach, “Der Sturm und der italienische Futurismus,” 292–94.

93. Richter, Hans Richter, 11.

94. Bohan, “Joseph Stella and the ‘Conjunction of Worlds,’” 22. Dreier purchased four Boccionis in 1922. See Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 68–73.

95. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 179–80, 498–506, 538–40.

96. Poggi, Inventing Futurism, 217–19.

97. See www.metmuseum.org/collection. For an astute analysis of Severini’s analogies, see Mather, “Analogies.”

98. Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 242, 260.

99. Rogoff reasons that Kandinsky may be more “innovative,” but Münter is more “contemporary” (“Tiny Anguishes”).

100. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 3, 12–13.

101. Ibid., 12.

102. Kandinsky, “Reminiscences,” 372–73, quoted in ibid., 1.

103. Kandinsky, “On the Question of Form,” 244.

104. Marchi, “October 1912,” 60.

105. For multiple approaches to this painting, see Smithgall, Kandinsky and the Harmony of Silence. I join Obler, Lindsay, and Vergo in translating Bild mit weissem Rand as Picture with White Edge, not Painting with White Border, because, as Obler says, “‘picture’ refers to a specific kind of painting . . . and ‘edge’ seems more accurate given the incompleteness of this border” (Intimate Collaborations, 231n62).

106. Kandinsky, “Picture with the White Edge,” 389.

107. Ibid., 390.

108. Marchi, “October 1912,” 60.

109. See Marchi, “Kandinsky, l’abstraction et le monde en 1913,” 77–81.

110. Kandinsky, “Picture with the White Edge,” 391.

111. Ibid.

112. For another account of dissolution and flow in Kandinsky, as well as in R. Delaunay and Boccioni, see Marchi, “‘Pure Painting’ in Berlin” (esp. 264–69). Cf. Florman, who reads Kandinsky’s water analogies as “a bit misleading” (Concerning the Spiritual, 91–92).

113. Verwey, “An Kandinsky.”

114. Verwey, “Der Maler.”

115. Kandinsky to H. Walden, February 1913, quoted in Bilang, Wassily Kandinsky, Gabriele Münter, Herwarth Walden, 45.

116. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 95.

117. Ibid., 85–95.

118. Bergson, Time and Free Will, 15, 18, quoted in Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 86.

119. Kandinsky, “Reminiscences,” 369.

120. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 87.

121. Kandinsky, “Reminiscences,” 368.

122. Ibid., 369.

123. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 82.

124. Ibid., 98–99.

125. Ibid., 100.

126. Hoberg reports that Walden kept twenty of the eighty-four works shown in Berlin in January; the remaining sixty-four were forwarded to Dietzel in Munich and combined with three others for a total of sixty-seven. Walden then sent thirty of these to Copenhagen, back to Munich, and then to venues in Frankfurt, Dresden, and Stuttgart. See Hoberg, “Biographie,” 15.

127. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 99.

128. Ibid., 99–100.

129. See Hoberg, “Painting under the Painting.”

130. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 114.

131. See exhibition checklist in Bilang, Wassily Kandinsky, Gabriele Münter, Herwarth Walden, 262–63.

132. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 112.

133. Ibid., 112–14.

134. Walden wrote Münter during the show that Koehler wanted to purchase the work. See Walden to Münter, 18 January 1913, in Bilang, Wassily Kandinsky, Gabriele Münter, Herwarth Walden, 45.

135. The Société Anonyme Logbook lists three paintings by “Münter-Kandinsky” in the show. The undated works are At Table (50¼ × 37¾ [in.]); Landscape w[ith] Yellow House (20¾ × 16½ [in.]); and Tjellebotten (20¾ × 16½ [in.]). See Logbook, YCAL MSS 101, box 90, folder 2323, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive. The third one is likely that reproduced in the formal catalog Dreier, International Exhibition of Modern Art, 38. It resembles a larger painting at the Princeton University Art Museum, From Norway (Tjellebotten) (1917). The others are not securely identifiable.

136. Gross notes that Dreier visited Kandinsky and his wife, Nina, in Germany and France on multiple occasions (“Believe Me, Faithfully Yours,” 128).

137. Dreier, International Exhibition of Modern Art, 38.

138. Smithgall, Kandinsky and the Harmony of Silence, 11.

139. Roethel, Kandinsky, 310, 313.

140. Tashjian, “‘Big Cosmic Force,’” 49.

141. Ibid. See also Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 356–59.

142. Berman, All That Is Solid Melts into Air, 61.

143. Ibid., 62.

144. Goethe, Faust, 11541–43, quoted in ibid., 65.

145. Kraus, Beim Wort genommen, 341.

146. Loos, “Plumbers.”

147. Kraus, [Aphorism], Die Fackel 12, nos. 315–16 (1911): 35, quoted in Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 236–37.

148. Ibid., 237.

149. Kraus was angry about imprecise editing of his manuscripts. See Kraus and Walden, Feinde in Scharen.

150. Schwitters, “Die Merzbühne.”

151. Elderfield, Kurt Schwitters, 157.

152. Camfield, Marcel Duchamp, 39.

153. Molesworth, “Bathrooms and Kitchens,” 81–82.

154. Current debates about gender-neutral restrooms complicate possibilities further.

155. Molesworth, “Bathrooms and Kitchens,” 82–83.

156. I quote Molesworth’s gloss on Giedion from ibid., 77. See Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command.

157. Gammel, Baroness Elsa, 78.

158. Ibid., 79–80.

159. Ansorge, Fünf Gesänge.

160. Freytag-Loringhoven, Baroness Elsa.

161. Jelavich, Berlin Cabaret, 53–56.

162. Gammel, Baroness Elsa, 109–21.

163. Ibid., 146–47.

164. See Rudolf Kuenzli’s evaluation of her writings: “Baroness Elsa von Freytag-Loringhoven and New York Dada,” 442–75.

165. Richard Cavell argues that it refers to the baroness herself (“Baroness Elsa and the Aesthetics of Empathy,” 25, 38).

166. According to Amelia Jones, scholars now agree that Freytag-Loringhoven is the principal “author” of the work. She reviews its attribution history in Irrational Modernism, 258–59n23. The caption for Figure 2.12 reflects the Philadephia Museum of Art’s dual attribution.

167. Kuenzli, “Baroness Elsa von Freytag-Loringhoven and New York Dada,” 450–51.

168. Jones, Irrational Modernism, 133.

169. My plumber, Charles Lair, informs me that the S curve of God no longer meets code in the United States, however (conversation with the author, 8 March 2011).

1. Vidler, Architectural Uncanny, 217.

2. Ersoy, “Fictive Quality of Glass,” 237.

3. Vidler argues that glass’s purported transparency was revealed to be false (Architectural Uncanny, 218, 220). From another perspective, Irene Nierhaus argues that a modernist house by Mies van der Rohe (Villa Tugendhat, Brno, Czech Republic, 1928–30) retains the fiction of transparency while it subversively builds in privacy (“Schwellen,” 17–36).

4. Baudelaire, “Bad Glazier,” 14.

5. For a similar identification of the necessity of the Gesamtkunstwerk’s frame as a “site or a situatedness” from which to apprehend the infinite, see Follett, “Tout et n’importe quoi,” 107–9.

6. Behne, Zur neuen Kunst, 10.

7. Ibid., 23–24.

8. Ibid., 27.

9. Colomina, Privacy and Publicity, 234.

10. Le Corbusier, Urbanisme (Paris: Crès, 1925), 174, quoted in ibid.

11. Knapp, Art of Glass, 12.

12. Benjamin, “Erfahrung und Armut,” 2.1:217.

13. Benjamin, “Louis-Philippe,” 154.

14. Ibid., 155.

15. Burgin, “City in Pieces,” 147.

16. Henri Lefebvre, Production of Space (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991), 93, quoted in ibid., 148–49.

17. Burgin, “City in Pieces,” 145.

18. Laura Mulvey, “Melodrama inside and outside the Home,” in Visual and Other Pleasures (London: Macmillan, 1989), 70, quoted in Colomina, Privacy and Publicity, 371n11.

19. Molesworth, “Bathrooms and Kitchens,” 77.

20. Ibid., 78.

21. Lasker-Schüler, “Adolf Loos,” 124.

22. Lasker-Schüler, Briefe an Karl Kraus, 50.

23. An exception is Friedländer’s review of Scheerbart’s Glass Architecture. Friedländer writes: “Scheerbart’s book contains the courage to strengthen and to cultivate precisely the most breakable thing, glass, and thereby happiness on earth” (“Glück und Glas,” 420).

24. Freytag-Loringhoven, “Love—Chemical Relationship,” ellipses original.

25. Kuenzli, “Baroness Elsa von Freytag-Loringhoven and New York Dada,” 449.

26. Loos, “Principle of Cladding,” 42, 44.

27. Loos, “My Building on Michaelerplatz,” 96.

28. Walden [Trust, pseud.], “Schönheit!” See Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 146–56.

29. Muche, Blickpunkt, 191.

30. This image of a nontransparent Walden, and by extension, Sturm aesthetic, contrasts with that presented in the novel Der Taifun, in which a wedding reception is furnished entirely in transparent glass. See Essig, Taifun, 160–61; and Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 205.

31. See Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 259; and Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 486.

32. The most comprehensive source is Thiekötter, Kristallisationen, Splitterungen. Schulte records that the German government required Taut to pay for the destruction of the building himself in 1916 (“Dekonstruktion”).

33. Sennett, The Conscience of the Eye: The Design and Social Life of Cities (New York: Knopf, 1990), 104, quoted in Burgin, “City in Pieces,” 145–46.

34. Giedion, Space, Time and Architecture, 493.

35. Ibid., 284.

36. Gropius hired Feininger as one of the first masters of the Bauhaus on the advice of Behne, who, as Mertins suggests, “considered Feininger’s paintings to be exemplary of his conflation of cubism and [Paul] Scheerbart’s utopianism, the ultimate realization of which would be architectural” (“Enticing and Threatening Face of Prehistory,” 15).

37. Burgin, “City in Pieces,” 146.

38. Schuetze, “Der gläserne Raum,” 31.

39. Ibid., 45, emphasis added.

40. Hilbersheimer, “Glasarchitektur.”

41. Thiekötter, Kristallisationen, Splitterungen, 15–16. The exhibition opened 16 May 1914. Taut’s pavilion was ready in July. See also Gutschow, “Culture of Criticism,” 260.

42. See Thiekötter, Kristallisationen, Splitterungen, 19–20.

43. Taut eventually found his location “versöhnlich” (conciliatory) (“Glaserzeugung und Glasbau,” 10).

44. According to Neumann, the original patent application claimed that the “window glass with prismatic ridges inside . . . would ‘double the quantity of reflection or illumination of the plain window-glass of the same size’” (“‘Century’s Triumph in Lighting,’” 24).

45. See Taut, “Erläuterungsbericht zur Errichtung des Glashauses,” 7 February 1914, quoted in Thiekötter, Kristallisationen, Splitterungen, 28n1.

46. See Ahlstrand, “Der ‘künstlerischer Erklärer’ im Glashaus,” 153. Hoelzel was a well-known professor at the Art Academy in Stuttgart. Reeber notes that Hoelzel expanded his painting practice to stained glass around 1915 (“Finding Harmony,” 255). Mutzenbecher was a friend of Taut’s and a former student of Hoelzel’s.

47. Felix Linke, “Die neue Architektur,” Sozialistische Monatshefte 2, no. 18 (1914): 1134, quoted in Thiekötter, Kristallisationen, Splitterungen, 26.

48. Ibid.

49. Behne, “Das Glashaus,” 27–28.

50. Taut, “Farbenwirkungen aus meiner Praxis,” 266.

51. The program page is reproduced in Sharp, “Paul Scheerbart’s Glass World,” 10. A similar expression appears in Scheerbart’s Glass Architecture: “It ought to be stressed here that the whole of glass architecture stems from the Gothic cathedrals. Without them it would be unthinkable; the gothic cathedral is the prelude” (61).

52. Taut, “A Necessity”; Taut, “Eine Notwendigkeit.”

53. Taut, Weltbaumeister.

54. Thiekötter, Kristallisationen, Splitterungen, 67–70.

55. In Taut’s accompanying drawings, the first thing one sees after the curtain rises is a cathedral, also rising. See Taut, Weltbaumeister, n.p.

56. White, “Expressionist Utopia,” 260–62.

57. Gutschow, “From Object to Installation in Bruno Taut’s Exhibition Pavilions,” 63–64.

58. Ibid., 66.

59. Finger and Follett, Aesthetics of the Total Artwork, 4–5.

60. Wagner, Art and Revolution.

61. Taut published the aphorisms along with Scheerbart’s letters to him in his journal, Frühlicht, reproduced in Taut, Frühlicht, 18–23.

62. Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 168–220. Architectural histories typically register the significance of Taut’s Glashaus but miss its relationship to Der Sturm. For example, Wolfgang Pehnt mentions neither Walden nor Der Sturm in the four pages he devotes to the Glashaus (Die Architektur des Expressionismus, 103–6).

63. See Ahlstrand, “Der ‘künstlerischer Erklärer’ im Glashaus”; and Ahlstrand, “GAN, Berlin und der Sturm.”

64. The known letters from Scheerbart to Walden are in the Sturm-Archiv and in Scheerbart, Paul Scheerbart. The other side of the correspondence is not known to be extant. Hodonyi reviews the possibilities of earlier meetings in Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 170–71.

65. Mühsam and Scheerbart to H. Walden, 25 August 1903, in Scheerbart, Paul Scheerbart, 221. In Mühsam’s recollection, it was never clear if the journal was to be a serious endeavor, a serious joke, or simply a joke. See Mühsam, Publizistik, Unpolitische Erinnerungen, 533–37.

66. Rausch surmises that the play is lost (Von Danzig ins Weltall, 72).

67. Scheerbart to H. Walden, 18 March 1904 and 7 April 1904, in Scheerbart, Paul Scheerbart, 234, 235.

68. Scheerbart to H. Walden, 23 August 1904 and 25 August 1904, in ibid., 244, 245.

69. Scheerbart to H. Walden, 17 November 1905, in ibid., 303.

70. Scheerbart to H. Walden, 12 March 1908, in ibid., 348.

71. Scheerbart, “Das Glas-Theater,” in Bletter, “Paul Scheerbart’s Architectural Fantasies,” 91.

72. Ibid.

73. Gutschow, “Culture of Criticism,” 235–36.

74. There were a few architectural drawings by the Czech cubists Josef Gočár (no. 148) and Pavel Janák (nos. 174–76), but Taut does not mention them. See Walden, Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon.

75. Bletter, “Expressionist Architecture,” 66.

76. Taut, “A Necessity”; Taut, “Eine Notwendigkeit.”

77. See Bushart, Der Geist der Gotik und die expressionistische Kunst.

78. Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 227–28.

79. H. Walden to R. Delaunay, 10 June 1913, quoted in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 507. My student Eliza Harrison estimated the space based on measurements of all known works assigned to that “room.”

80. Unfortunately, the copy I have seen at the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin is too fragile to be photographed.

81. I attribute the authorship to Sonia because the Album is included in the list of her works in the catalog (Walden, Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon, 16).

82. Hughes, “Envisioning Abstraction,” 313. Infants see first in black and white. Current research suggests that their color perception is well developed by month four, and their depth perception develops between months four and six (Aslin, “Development of Binocular Fixation in Human Infants”).

83. R. Delaunay to Marc, after 14 December 1912, in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 498, emphasis added.

84. Hughes, “Envisioning Abstraction,” 314.

85. Ibid.

86. Giedion, Space, Time Architecture, 285.

87. S. Delaunay later embroidered a poem by Philippe Soupault that confirms her potential taste for orange lipstick: in it he describes her “orange smiles.” See Hergott, Sonia Delaunay, 119.

88. R. Delaunay writes, “I exist only in my work and cannot separate my means from my end” (Delaunay to Marc, after 14 December 1912, in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 498).

89. Hughes, “Envisioning Abstraction,” 326.

90. Walden, Erster Deutscher Herbstsalon, 17.

91. Hughes, “Envisioning Abstraction,” 309.

92. Chadwick, “Living Simultaneously.”

93. L. Feininger to Julia Feininger, 25 September 1913, in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 511.

94. Macke to Bernhard Koehler, 10 March 1913, in ibid., 504; and Macke, Briefe an Elisabeth und die Freunde, 296.

95. Thiekötter, Kristallisationen, Splitterungen, 43–47; and Gutschow, “Culture of Criticism,” 261.

96. Behne praises the integration of Taut’s windows, wall, and decorative program in a new apartment block at the corner of Hardenberg and Schiller streets in Charlottenburg (“Bruno Taut”).

97. According to Scheerbart’s letters to Taut, Walden was not his first choice. A possible reason for Scheerbart’s reluctance was Walden’s continual failure to pay him in a timely manner.

98. Gutschow, “Culture of Criticism,” 260.

99. Front and side views of the model are in Scheerbart, “Glashäuser,” 105, 107. The front view is reproduced in Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 211. The side view has the advantage of showing, in the stepped protrusion on the right, the site of the kaleidoscope.

100. I, for one, surmised that there was no publication. See Anger, Paul Klee and the Decorative in Modern Art, 62–69.

101. Taut, “Das Glashaus von Bruno Taut,” in Walden, Der Sturm: Vierundzwanzigste Ausstellung. The Taut-Klee relationship is explored in Prange, Das Kristalline als Kunstsymbol.

102. See Paul-Klee-Stiftung, Paul Klee, 119–21.

103. Ibid., 120.

104. Ibid., 119–20.

105. Ibid., 119, 121.

106. Anger, Paul Klee and the Decorative in Modern Art, 48–49.

107. He also distances both himself and Delaunay from accusations of decorativeness by describing the Frenchman’s painting as “a construction of plastic life, nota bene, as distant from a carpet as a fugue by Bach” (Klee, “Die Ausstellung des Modernen Bundes im Kunsthaus Zürich”).

108. Delaunay, “Über das Licht.”

109. One might assume that Klee sought to Germanify the language, but there are other instances in the essay in which he keeps the original French, so Zusammenklang is likely intentional.

110. Correspondence between Der Sturm and the Société Anonyme clusters around this exhibit and the Société Anonyme’s 1926 international exhibit. Much of it survives in three folders at Yale: YCAL MSS 101, box 33, folders 977–79, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

111. Klee’s exhibit followed Kandinsky’s first American solo exhibit at the Société Anonyme from 23 March to 4 May 1923. See Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 375–76, 777. Dreier hoped to reconnect with Klee at the Bauhaus when she and Duchamp traveled to Germany in 1924. Klee informed her by mail of potential absences of his fellow Bauhaus colleagues but concluded: “Hopefully this will not keep you from traveling here and bringing Mr. Marcel Duchamp, whom I would like to meet, with you” (Klee to Dreier, 10 August 1924, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 582, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive).

112. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 380.

113. Scheerbart refers to them as chapters, but they are more like paragraphs.

114. Scheerbart, Glass Architecture, 41. Hereafter cited in the text.

115. Friedländer, “Paul Scheerbart,” 377–78.

116. Scheerbart, “Glashäuser,” 105.

117. Ibid., 106.

118. Ibid., 107.

119. Scheerbart’s Glass Architecture, unlike some of his other publications, does not include his drawings.

120. The book is first advertised in Der Sturm 5, no. 4 (1914): 32, and its publication is announced in Der Sturm 5, no. 6 (1914): 48. Both issues advertise the exhibit of Marc Chagall, whose work supplemented and then supplanted the exhibit space shared by Klee’s paintings and Taut’s architectural model. The latter issue inaugurates a long-standing advertisement for Anna Scheerbart’s hand-colored papers.

121. Susanne Krause and Julia Rinck, colored-paper experts, surmise from my photographs that it is technically not “marbleized” paper but probably Kleisterpapier (pasted paper), a technique by which one brushes colored glue on paper (correspondence with the author, 30 November 2012).

122. Krause and Rinck do not believe that Anna Scheerbart possessed the technical skill to achieve these effects purposefully. Although neither of them had the opportunity to examine this paper in person, Rinck has seen other examples of Anna Scheerbart’s paper at the Deutsches Buch- und Schriftmuseum der deutschen Nationalbibliothek in Leipzig. For comparisons, see www.hamburgerbuntpapier.de and www.buntpapier.org.

123. Scheerbart, Glass Architecture, 158.

124. Bletter shows that the association of water with glass has a long history: in representations of King Solomon’s temple, the Revelation of St. John, and certain Islamic legends (“Interpretation of the Glass Dream,” 20–43).

125. Again, Krause and Rinck do not believe that Anna Scheerbart could have done this on purpose, but I cannot dismiss either the strength of the effects, purposeful or not, or the (purposeful) selection of the papers for Glass Architecture.

126. Scheerbart, Von Zimmer zu Zimmer, 19, 38, 44.

127. Scheerbart, Gray Cloth, 2.

128. Ersoy, “Fictive Quality of Glass,” 237.

129. Scheerbart, Der Kaiser von Utopia, 92.

130. Behne, “Glashaus,” 28.

131. Behne mistakenly attributes the quotation to Scheerbart’s Glass Architecture, in which a similar formulation can be found (61). The mistake highlights the collaborative nature of the entire project (Behne, “Glashaus,” 28).

132. See Steierwald, “Zur Ästhetik des Schaufensters”; and Anger, “Forgotten Ties.”

133. Haug, Critique of Commodity of Aesthetics.

134. Simmons documents eleven oils and “over 15 paintings in other media” (“August Macke’s Shoppers,” 47n2). In addition, Macke’s notebooks show sketches that refer to the theme. See Heiderich, August Macke.

135. Langner, “Kubismus, Futurismus, Orphismus,” 81, 84.

136. Ibid., 82; and Simmons, “August Macke’s Shoppers,” 61–64.

137. Ward draws a related distinction between glass architecture and shop window display in two separate chapters in Weimar Surfaces.

138. Osthaus, “Das Schaufenster,” in Die Kunst in Industrie und Handel: Jahrbuch des Deutschen Werkbundes 1913 (Jena: Eugen Diederichs, 1913), 62, quoted in Simmons, “August Macke’s Shoppers,” 55.

139. Horkheimer and Adorno, Dialectic of Enlightenment, 120–67.

140. Huyssen, “Mass Culture as Woman.”

141. Simmons, “August Macke’s Shoppers,” 84.

142. Ibid., 86.

143. Behne, “August Macke,” 380–81.

144. Freud, “Jokes and Their Relation to the Unconscious.”

145. Van Poortvliet, “Jacoba van Heemskerck,” 7. The nature of the women’s relationship is not known, though they lived together for years. For a different view on Van Heemskerck, see Van den Berg, “‘. . . wir müssen mit und durch Deutschland in unserer Kunst weiterkommen.’”

146. Behne, unknown source, 1915, quoted in Van Poortvliet, “Jacoba van Heemskerck,” 11.

147. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 325.

148. Van Poortvliet, “Jacoba van Heemskerck,” 10.

149. Ibid., 15.

150. See Botar, Technical Detours, 43–82.

151. Moholy-Nagy, Abstract of an Artist (New York: Wittenborn, 1949), 72, quoted in Botar, Technical Detours, 82.

152. Moholy-Nagy to Hevesy, 5 April 1920, quoted in Botar, Technical Detours, 93. The full letter is in Passuth, Moholy-Nagy, 360.

153. Hausmann, “Der deutsche Spiesser ärgert sich”; Hausmann, “German Philistine Gets Upset.”

154. On Hausmann’s and Schwitters’s eventual friendship and collaboration, see Züchner, Kurt Schwitters und Raoul Hausmann schreiben im Kino eine Oper. In his Dada Almanac of 1919, Huelsenbeck declares: “Dada fundamentally and emphatically rejects such works as the famous ‘Anna Blume’ by Mr. Kurt Schwitters” (14). In January 1920 Huelsenbeck wrote to Schwitters to say that he liked him despite their differences and that both were united in their fight against the bourgeoisie. See Huelsenbeck to K. Schwitters, 12 January 1920, in Bleichsucht und Blutarmut que 06835002-T,012, Schwitters Archiv. Still more politically radical in Berlin were George Grosz, John Heartfield, and Wieland Herzfelde.

155. Passuth, “Warum ist Der Sturm für tschechische und ungarische Kunst so wichtig?”; and Zwickl, “Ausstellungen der Galerie Der Sturm in Budapest.”

156. Walden, Der Sturm: Hundertfünfte Ausstellung. Several pages of the catalog are reproduced in Botar, Technical Detours, 131. Walden had supported Hungarian art at least since 1918, when he published work by János Mattis-Teutsch (see Mansbach, “Confrontation and Accommodation in the Hungarian Avant-Garde,” 19–20).

157. Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 256.

158. Mertins, “Enticing and Threatening Face of Prehistory,” 16.

159. Botar, Technical Detours, 131–32.

160. Mertins, “Enticing and Threatening Face of Prehistory,” 16.

161. Mansbach, “Confrontation and Accommodation in the Hungarian Avant-Garde,” 14.

162. Moholy-Nagy, New Vision, 241.

163. Ibid., 242.

164. Moholy-Nagy, Painting Photography Film, 17.

165. Tsai, “Sorcerer’s Apprentice,” 280–81, emphasis added.

166. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 463–64.

167. On Dreier’s Forty Variations, see Tashjian, “Big Cosmic Force,” 70–71.

168. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 464.

169. Schwitters, “Die Bedeutung des Merzgedankens in der Welt,” Merz 1 (January 1923): 9, in Das Literarische Werk, 5:134.

170. Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 62–65. Luke bases her argument on Schwitters’s analysis of Moholy-Nagy’s painting in 1922. An earlier, potentially conflicting source is Behne’s Zur neuen Kunst, in which he theorizes an ideal architect whose “houses develop completely from within.”

171. Stavrinaki, “Total Artwork vs. Revolution,” 270–71.

172. Richter, Dada, 46.

173. Dickerman, “Merz and Memory,” 116.

174. Höch, quoted in Webster, “Reception of the Merzbau.”

175. Schwitters, “Das Grosse E,” in Das Literarische Werk, 5:338, quoted in Dickerman, “Merz and Memory,” 116.

176. E. Schwitters, quoted in Elderfield, Kurt Schwitters, 148.

177. Dietrich, Collages of Kurt Schwitters, 166.

178. Dickerman, “Merz and Memory,” 108.

179. Cf. Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 18–23.

180. Stavrinaki, “Total Artwork vs. Revolution,” 273.

181. Dickerman, “Merz and Memory,” 117.

182. Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 124.

183. Webster, “Kurt Schwitters’ Merzbau,” 206. Webster notes that Carola Giedion-Welcker made this connection in Contemporary Sculpture: An Evolution in Volume and Space (London: Faber and Faber, 1956).

184. E. Schwitters to Werner Schmalenbach, 20 September 1964, quoted in Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 266n73.

185. K. Schwitters to Susanna Freudenthal-Lutter, 30 March 1935, quoted in ibid., 135–36.

186. Webster, “Kurt Schwitters’ Merzbau,” 187–88; and Webster, “Kurt Schwitters’s Merzbau,” 122.

187. Schwitters, “Ich und meine Ziele.” Steinitz notes: “The very secret caves were probably never seen by anybody except Walden, Giedion, and Arp” (Kurt Schwitters, 90).

188. See Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 29–31.

189. Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 119–203.

190. Cardinal and Webster, Kurt Schwitters, 72.

191. K. Schwitters to Dreier, 18 March 1937, YCAL MSS 101, box 31, folder 926, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

192. Webster, “Kurt Schwitters and Katherine Dreier,” 444.

193. K. Schwitters to Dreier, 15 August 1925, quoted in ibid., 445.

194. K. Schwitters to Dreier, 4 May 1927, quoted in ibid., 447.

195. K. Schwitters to Dreier, 27 June 1927, quoted in Gross, “Believe Me, Faithfully Yours,” 132.

196. Brennan, Curating Consciousness, 79–87.

197. Webster, “Kurt Schwitters and Katherine Dreier,” 448.

198. K. Schwitters to Dreier, 25 November 1936, quoted in ibid., 452.

199. Regrettably, neither Barr nor Dreier was able to obtain a commission for a new Merzbau in the United States.

200. This is Duchamp’s account in 1946. See Duchamp, “Creative Act,” 13.

201. Gross, “Artist’s Museum,” 9.

202. Krauss, Optical Unconscious, 94–146.

203. Duchamp and Ray, “Élevage de poussière.” See Fardy, “Double Vision.”

204. Jones, Postmodernism and the En-Gendering of Marcel Duchamp, 156–58.

205. Molesworth, “Bathrooms and Kitchens,” 89. Elsewhere, Molesworth quotes Georgia O’Keeffe on what must be a feminine assumption of traditional gender roles. Regarding a visit to Duchamp’s New York studio in the 1910s, O’Keeffe recalled: “The dust everywhere was so thick that it was hard to believe. I was so upset over the dusty place that the next day I wanted to go over and clean it up” (quoted in Molesworth, “Work Avoidance,” 59).

206. Joselit, Infinite Regress, 137–48.

207. Duchamp, Writings of Marcel Duchamp, 74, emphases added.

208. Dreier and Matta, Duchamp’s Glass; and Kiesler, “Design-Correlation.”

209. Dreier and Matta, Duchamp’s Glass. I use the slightly different text from a draft of the essay at Yale: Uncat. MSS 916, box 3, Dreier Papers.

210. Brennan argues, however, that “the consummation that does not and cannot occur within the Large Glass occurs outside of it” (Painting Gender, 65).

211. Kiesler reported working with Loos in 1920. See Phillips, Frederick Kiesler, 139.

212. Kiesler, Contemporary Art Applied to the Store and Its Display.

213. Cynthia Goodman, “Art of Revolutionary Display Techniques,” quoted in Phillips, Frederick Kiesler, 57–59.

214. Kiesler, “Design-Correlation,” 38.

215. Ibid., 38–39.

216. Ibid., 40.

217. Ibid.

218. Ibid., 40–41.

219. Kiesler to Dreier, 8 July 1937, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 576, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive. Dreier confirms this report, writing to Kiesler, “I had a letter from Duchamp wherein he writes that he had received ‘the wonderful article (Architectural Record) on the Glass.’ I have never heard him use such praise and I am so glad—for as I wrote you it was an amazing achievement” (9 July 1937, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 576, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive).

220. In support of General Francisco Franco in Spain, for example, German troops bombed Guernica, and Hitler promoted his plan for increasing German Lebensraum (living space). Soon thereafter, Hitler annexed Austria.

1. Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 140–48. Ernst recalled: “There was, of course, no exact duplication intended, no ‘copying’ but the basic concept of the two ‘Merzbaus’ was exactly the same. The Lysaker one could simply be said to be a continuation of the one in Hannover, so similar were they” (E. Schwitters, 25 May 1981 [English original], quoted in Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 141).

2. Schwitters, “Bogen 1 für mein neues Atelier,” 6 April 1938, quoted in ibid., 140.

3. On modernist exile, see Williams, “When Was Modernism?,” 50. I address the critique of nostalgia below.

4. Frisby, Fragments of Modernity, 40.

5. Lieteke van Vucht Tijssen, “Women and Objective Culture: Georg Simmel and Marianne Weber,” Theory, Culture and Society 8, no. 3 (1991): 204, quoted in Felski, Gender of Modernity, 37.

6. Walden first approached Simmel to speak in 1905. Letters are in Simmel, Briefe. Simmel lectured on “Das Problem des Stiles” at the Verein für Kunst in November 1907 and on Rodin in November 1908. A version of the former was published in Dekorative Kunst (April 1908) and the latter as “Die Kunst Rodins und das Bewegungsmotiv in der Plastik,” in Nord und Süd (May 1909). A translation of the former appears as “Problem of Style.” A significantly abridged English version of the latter appears as “Rodin’s Work as an Expression of the Modern Spirit.” The two Simmel essays definitely edited by Walden are “Die Frau und die Mode,” and “Zur Psychologie des Schauspielers.” The third candidate is the Rodin essay that followed Simmel’s presentation on the topic at the Verein für Kunst. Simmel informed Walden in a letter of 9 October 1908, “The theme of my lecture will be: On the art of Rodin.” The table of contents for the issue of Nord und Süd in which it appeared identifies Simmel’s essay simply as “The Art of Rodin,” even though the longer title appears with the essay itself. That similarity, in addition to the fact that Walden wrote in a letter to Dehmel on 31 July 1908 that Nord und Süd was about to become the house publication of the Verein für Kunst, leads the editors of Simmel’s collected works to link Walden to the publication and the lecture. See Kramme and Rammstedt, “Editorischer Bericht,” 497–500. However, Pirsich doubts that Walden ever became editor of Nord und Süd (Der Sturm, 53).

7. Simmel, Briefe.

8. Hiller argues that culture must combat the rationalization of “objective culture”—which Simmel theorizes—by promoting the ideal of the individual who cannot separate feeling from intellect. Culture, for Hiller, should mean “a synthetic refinement of the totality of a spiritual existence” (“Über Kultur,” 197, 204).

9. For Polish artists at Der Sturm, see Głuchowska, “Polnische Künstler und Der Sturm.”

10. Frisby quotes from an expanded version in 1911: Simmel, “Rodin,” Philosophische Kultur: Gesammelte Essais (Leipzig: Klinkhardt, 1911), 3rd ed. (Potsdam: Kiepenheuer, 1923), 196, quoted in Frisby, Fragments of Modernity, 62. This anthologized version is a minor modification of the May 1909 publication “Die Kunst Rodins.”

11. Simmel, “Rodins Plastik und die Geistesrichtung der Gegenwart.”

12. Before the appearance of the second Rodin essay in 1909, Simmel gave another version of the talk, “Bewegung in der Plastik” (Movement in sculpture), on 16 February 1909, to the Vereinigung für ästhetische Forschung (Society for aesthetic research), also in Berlin. According to one report, the lecture provoked a “lively discussion.” See Kramme and Rammstedt, “Editorischer Bericht,” 499.

13. Ibid.

14. Simmel, “Metropolis and Mental Life,” 324, translation modified; Simmel, “Die Grossstädte und das Geistesleben.”

15. Ibid., 325.

16. Ibid., 326–29.

17. Ibid., 337.

18. Simmel, “Rodins Plastik,” 94.

19. Simmel, “Der Bildrahmen,” 107.

20. There were no illustrations in 1902. The 1909 version reproduced Rodin’s A Danaid (1885), Eternal Idol (1889), and Female Bust (n.d.).

21. Simmel, “Rodins Plastik,” 99.

22. Ibid., 99–100.

23. Simmel, “Die Kunst Rodins,” 31.

24. Ibid., 32; “Rodin’s Work,” 130, translation modified.

25. Simmel, “Rodins Plastik,” 93.

26. Oakes, Georg Simmel, 54, quoted in Felski, Gender of Modernity, 38. Wolff argues, in contrast: “The solution he [Simmel] proposes for the excessive objectification of modern culture, and the damaging fragmentation of aspects of the personality—subjective and objective—among men, is the re-integration of the female resistance to such a division.” Although I argue something similar, I disagree with Wolff’s assessment that “it is clear in the end his [Simmel’s] view of women’s non-differentiated personality is both essentialist and culture-bound.” Wolff also finds it “disappointing” that Simmel locates women’s cultural achievement in the home. I share her desire for a “non-essentialist conception of the ‘feminine’ as a contrast and challenge to the modern,” but I find that Simmel is already at least partially nonessentialist and that his reading of the home already presents such a challenge to masculinist modernism. See Wolff, “Feminine in Modern Art,” 39–40.

27. Felski, Gender of Modernity, 38.

28. Simmel, “Weibliche Kultur,” Archiv für Sozialwissenschaft. Felski refers to the translation, “Female Culture.”

29. Felski, Gender of Modernity, 41–42.

30. Intriguingly, a younger generation of feminist scholars locates positive possibilities in this text. See Obler, Intimate Collaborations, 11–12.

31. Simmel, “Weibliche Kultur,” Neue Deutsche Rundschau.

32. Ibid., 66.

33. Ibid., 68.

34. Ibid., 66.

35. Ibid., 65.

36. Ibid., 80–81.

37. Simmel uses the related words “Einfühlung” and “Nachfühlung” (ibid., 70–71).

38. Ibid., 74. Simmel refers to unspecified paintings by Dora Hitz and etchings by Käthe Kollwitz and Kornelie Wagner. Kollwitz is, of course, well known, but I have found disappointingly little on the others.

39. Ibid., 75.

40. Ibid., 77–78, emphasis original.

41. However, it remains problematic that Simmel later defines the home as “timeless” (ibid., 82).

42. Ibid.

43. Ibid., 83.

44. Simmel, “Problem des Stiles,” 376.

45. Ibid., 379.

46. Ibid., 375.

47. Ibid., 380.

48. Ibid., 381.

49. Ibid., 383–84.

50. Weber, “Die Frau und die objektive Kultur.”

51. Adorno was also critical, though Benjamin was not. See Frisby, Fragments of Modernity, 8, 38, 86.

52. Lukáçs, “Georg Simmel,” in Buch des Dankes an Georg Simmel: Briefe, Erinnerungen, Bibliographie, edited by Kurt Gassen and Michael Landmann (Berlin: Duncker und Humboldt, 1958), 175, quoted in ibid., 86.

53. Krakauer, “Georg Simmel,” Logos: Zeitschrift für systematische Philosophie 9, no. 3 (1920–21): 320, 331, quoted ibid., 60.

54. Simmel, “Weibliche Kultur,” Neue Deutsche Rundschau, 82.

55. Pollock, “Moments and Temporalities of the Avant-Garde,” 795. She refers to Butler, Gender Trouble.

56. Simmel, “Weibliche Kultur,” Neue Deutsche Rundschau, 66.

57. Lublinksi, Die Bilanz der Moderne, 108–9.

58. Pollock, “Moments and Temporalities of the Avant-Garde,” 797.

59. Felski, Gender of Modernity, 91–114.

60. Butler, Gender Trouble, 79–93.

61. Freud, “‘Uncanny’”; and Felski, Gender of Modernity, 58–60, 218n17.

62. See Bilang, Frauen im “Sturm”; and Pfeiffer and Hollein, Sturm-Frauen.

63. Hodonyi, Herwarth Waldens “Sturm” und die Architektur, 133–42.

64. Loos, “Poor Little Rich Man”; Loos, “Vom armen reichen Mann.”

65. Loos, “Ornament and Crime.” The essay’s complex evolution is the subject of Long, “Origins and Context of Adolf Loos’s ‘Ornament and Crime.’” Incisive critiques of Loos include Schor, Reading in Detail, 50–58.

66. Loos, “Poor Little Rich Man,” 127.

67. Foster, “Design and Crime.”

68. Loos, “Poor Little Rich Man,” 125.

69. Ibid., 126.

70. Ibid.

71. Ockman’s comment in Loos, Spoken into the Void, 141n1.

72. Recall Walden’s friendship with the pacifist Scheerbart. Also consider “Der Sturm: Heeresmarsch” (Military march), which Walden composed in honor of recently deceased soldier, poet, and friend August Stramm in 1914, and published in Der Sturm. As Meyer argues, it is a “march,” but its irregular rhythms and sudden, unresolved ending leave its militarism in doubt (“Der Komponist,” 150–52).

73. Kraus, “Operette,” 1.

74. Loos, “Ueber Architektur.” A translation appears in Loos, On Architecture, 84, but I translate from the original.

75. Foster, “Proper Subject.”

76. Even Adorno, defender of autonomy, writes that Loos’s distinctions are problematic: “In these objects, purposeless and purposeful cannot be divided from each other absolutely.” Employing Kantian terminology, Adorno declares: “Purposefulness without purpose is the sublimation of purpose” (“Funktionalismus Heute,” 378).

77. Schwartz, “Architecture and Crime.”

78. Walden, “Empfehlenswerte Bücher,” 335.

79. Benjamin, “Louis-Philippe,” 155.

80. Walden, “Empfehlenswerte Bücher,” 335.

81. Ibid., emphasis added.

82. Ibid., 336.

83. Brühl, Herwarth Walden, 289.

84. Brod, “Die Wallfahrt zu Orazio,” 333.

85. Ibid.

86. Ibid., 334.

87. Ibid.

88. The opening essay of this Der Sturm issue supports this inference: an analysis of Leo Tolstoy’s writing summarizes his project as asking the questions, “How should one live? What is the world? Live for what?” See Minski, “Tolstoi.”

89. Lee, “Ut Pictura Poesis.”

90. Scheerbart, “Kaiser von Utopia,” 332.

91. Ibid., 333.

92. Ibid.

93. Colomina, Privacy and Publicity, 274.

94. Ibid., 244.

95. Ibid., 270.

96. Ibid., 264–65.

97. José Quetglas, “Lo Placentero,” Carrer de la Ciutat 9–10 (January 1980): 2, quoted in ibid., 265, translation modified.

98. Loos’s unrealized project for a house for Josephine Baker in Paris in 1928 is disturbing in this context. It was likely his fantasy projection, rather than an actual commission, so I will keep my comments brief. The home would have contained an inside swimming pool (an aqueous “womb”) with glass walls through which the visitor could watch Baker swim (though Baker could not see out). In this case, the (female, African American) inhabitant is reduced to being a visual object encased behind transparent glass in water for the presumably white, male subject’s visual pleasure. In the literature, no reason is given for why the subject positions could not be reversed—why, for example, could not Baker swim with someone else or observe another or others swimming?—a fact that confirms the fantasy part of the project. Such abuse of glass transparency (combined with water) recalls the dystopian glass dream discussed in act 3. See Cheng, “Skin, Tattoos, and Susceptibility”; and el-Dahdah, “Josephine Baker House.”

99. Lasker-Schüler, “Briefe nach Norwegen,” quoted in Decker, Mein Herz, 18.

100. Lasker-Schüler, “Lasker-Schüler contra B. und Genossen,” in Prosa, 269.

101. Ibid.

102. Decker, Mein Herz, 89.

103. Lasker-Schüler, “Mein Volk,” in Der siebente Tag, 30. As Dick notes, this volume was probably the only publication of the Verlag des Vereins für Kunst. All thirty-three poems in the 1905 collection were republished, along with twenty-five others, in Meine Wunder in 1911 (Dick, “Nachwort,” 78–80). “Mein Volk” also appeared with two of her other poems in Moses, Hebräische Melodien.

104. Lasker-Schüler, “Heimweh,” Die Fackel 11, nos. 294–95 (4 February 1910): 26–27, in Meine Wunder, 61. This translation is Lasker-Schüler, “Homesickness,” in Selected Poems, 77.

105. Letter reproduced in Lasker-Schüler, Meine Wunder, 73–74.

106. Lasker-Schüler to Zech, [before 15 December 1909], in Decker, Mein Herz, 174. Lasker-Schüler’s concerns were well founded. When she returned to Elberfeld to give a poetry reading in October 1912, her audience did not receive her well (Decker, Mein Herz, 208–9).

107. Lasker-Schüler, “Heim,” in Der siebente Tag, 40, reprinted in Meine Wunder, 52. Ironically, “Heim” appeared first in an anthology of Elberfeld poetry: see Lasker-Schüler, “Heim,” in Hoppe et al., Gedichte, 85.

108. The actual “home” she cultivated with Walden fell apart in the summer of 1912, when, as Decker reports, Lasker-Schüler moved out of their home on Katharinen Strasse. In her final edition of the “Briefe nach Norwegen” (Letters to Norway), which Lasker-Schüler published together as Mein Herz, the poet claimed always to have hated home, but Decker shows that that assertion does not hold up to scrutiny (Mein Herz, 36, 206–9).

109. Godé, “De la Spree,” 167–80. Winskell and Van den Berg accuse Walden of a much different allegiance to Prussia. They maintain that Walden collaborated with the government during World War I. He apparently did share information with authorities in order to retain the right to exhibit in and borrow art from neutral countries, but until the content and potential sensitivity of that information can be determined, it seems prudent to withhold judgment. See Winskell, “Art of Propaganda”; and Van den Berg, “Autonomous Arts as Black Propaganda.”

110. H. Walden to S. Delaunay, 25 April 1913, quoted in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 505.

111. Goetzmann, “Sonia Delaunay at the First German Autumn Salon,” 88–90. For a thoughtful consideration of Sonia’s homemaking, see Buckberrough, “Being Russian in Paris,” 44–48. Elsewhere Buckberrough argues that Sonia’s later textiles “intervene with the structures and surfaces of architecture, furniture, and the body”; that they recall nomadic prototypes that make “home” anywhere; and that they “urged reconsideration of one’s place in the world—in sympathy with cultural migrations, collisions, mergers, reformulations” (“Delaunay Design,” 51, 55).

112. A sampling of the criticism is in Meissner, “Delaunay-Dokumente,” 509–10.

113. Troy, De Stijl Environment; and Ward, “Impressionist Installations and Private Exhibitions.”

114. Kuenzli, Nabis and Intimate Modernism, 1, 11–13.

115. Ibid., 18.

116. See Reed, Bloomsbury Rooms; and Anger, “Modernism at Home.”

117. Kuenzli, “Birth of the Modernist Art Museum.” In the United States, a comparable blending of public and private exhibition space might be the Barnes Foundation in Pennsylvania, as Kuenzli and I discussed at my home in 2014.

118. Scheerbart, Gray Cloth, 100.

119. Ibid., 110.

120. Ibid., 123.

121. I must address the restriction that gives the novel its title: Edgar will marry Clara only if she agrees always to wear “gray and ten percent white.” She agrees. This may be a masculine limitation of the feminine or a reflection of the male architect’s fear that his wife’s colorful outfits would outshine his colored glass architecture. It is also a (classically Scheerbartian) bizarre requirement whose pros and cons are debated through out the plot, opening the problems to debate. Incidentally, Edgar lifts the ban by the end, but Clara decides to follow it. We are left to make of this what we will. See Stuart, introduction, xiii–xlv.

122. K. Schwitters to Barr, 23 November 1936, MoMA, Curatorial Exhibition Files, Exh. No. 1400, File 42, quoted in Luke, Kurt Schwitters, 123.

123. Johnson, Layout: Philip Johnson im Gespräch mit Rem Koolhaas und Hans Ulrich Obrist = Philip Johnson in Conversation with Rem Koolhaas and Hans Ulrich Obrist (Cologne: König, 2003); and Bowles, Without Stopping: An Autobiography (New York: Putnam, 1972), 114–15, quoted in Webster, “Kurt Schwitters’ Merzbau,” 204.

124. Orchard and Schulz, Merzgebiete, quoted in Webster, “Kurt Schwitters’ Merzbau,” 204.

125. Ibid., 210.

126. Moortgat and Thater-Schulz, Hannah Höch, quoted in Webster, “Kurt Schwitters’ Merzbau,” 189.

127. Ibid.

128. Richter, Dada, 130, 132.

129. Webster, “Kurt Schwitters’ Merzbau,” 189n85.

130. Willy Verkauf, Dada: Monograph of a Movement (London: Academy Editions, 1975), 35–36, quoted in ibid., 191.

131. K. Schwitters, entry in the Flemming guest book, quoted in ibid., 192.

132. Ibid.

133. Ibid., 193.

134. Dreier, “A Standard Wage Proposed for Wives,” New York Sun, 25 May 1914, quoted in Molesworth, “Work Avoidance,” 61.

135. Dreier, unpublished journal, Dreier Papers.

136. Pollock, “Moments and Temporalities of the Avant-Garde,” 797.

137. Demos, Exiles of Marcel Duchamp.

138. Arturo Schwartz, ed., The Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp (New York: Abrams, 1970), quoted in Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 94.

139. Ibid.

140. A surviving floor plan suggests the dimensions of the two main rooms: 21¢7² × 15¢2² and 14¢7² × 15¢6². Gallery blueprint, YCAL MSS 101, box 90, folder 2322, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive, quoted in Wilson, “‘One Big Painting,’” 77.

141. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 5, quoted in Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 79.

142. Joselit, “Artist Readymade,” 40.

143. Jones, Postmodernism and the En-Gendering of Marcel Duchamp, 72.

144. Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 79.

145. Duchamp to Dreier, 18 December 1930, quoted in Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 78.

146. Dreier, “Before the Members of the School Art League,” Brooklyn Museum, 20 November 1926, YCAL MSS 101, box 46, folder 1367, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive, quoted in Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 104.

147. Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 104.

148. Dreier, “Before the Members of the School Art League,” quoted in ibid.

149. Wilson, “‘One Big Painting,’” 88–91.

150. Dreier to Duchamp, 20 July 1926, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive, quoted in Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 99.

151. Wilson, “‘One Big Painting,’” 95n39.

152. Meyer, “‘Big, Middle-Class Modernism,’” 108–12.

153. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 257.

154. The water motif appears also in Eilshemius’s Seascape (one of many he painted with that title), intended for the “Passage between Parlor and Library.”

155. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 507–8.

156. Ibid., 62–64.

157. A typed inventory of the “Collection of the Société Anonyme,” with purchases dating from 1920 to 1930, reveals that Der Sturm was by far the largest source for the later organization’s collection. See YCAL MSS 101, box 90, folder 2320, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

158. Blümner to the Société Anonyme, 3 May 1921, YCAL MSS 101, box 33, folder 977, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

159. Blümner to the Société Anonyme, 20 September 1921, ibid.

160. She explains the process to Klee on 2 May 1926, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 582, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

161. The remaining two ads were for Stieglitz’s Intimate Gallery and Casa d’arte [Anton Giulio] Bragaglia in Rome. See Dreier, International Exhibition of Modern Art, n.p.

162. Herbert, Apter, and Kenney, Société Anonyme and the Dreier Bequest, 598.

163. Ibid., 598–99.

164. Ibid., 599.

165. Tafuri, Architecture and Utopia, 88.

166. Ibid., 88–89.

167. Dreier wrote, “I always treat my exhibitions . . . as one big painting, for in that way alone do the rooms look complete” (Dreier to Stuart Davis, 29 September 1926, quoted in Wilson, “‘One Big Painting,’” 75).

168. Based on the work’s values and proportions in the photograph, my student James Marlow tentatively identifies it as Mz 199 (1921, Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum). If he is correct, the fabric swatches in the collage come into play with Dreier’s actual window curtains.

169. Kiesler to Dreier, 19 September 1926, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 575, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

170. Kiesler to Dreier, 2 November 1926, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 575, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

171. Ibid.

172. Dreier to Kiesler, 5 January 1927, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 575, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

173. Ibid.

174. The planning for a building was fraught with misunderstandings throughout 1927 (Dreier to Kiesler, 5 January 1927). Dreier’s 1937 photo album includes candid shots of the Kieslers at The Haven (Uncat. MSS, box 2, Dreier Papers).

175. Don Quaintance speculates that Dreier introduced Duchamp to Kiesler in 1925 or 1926 (“Modern Art in a Modern Setting,” 268n16).

176. Guggenheim, Confessions of an Art Addict, 47.

177. According to Guggenheim, Putzel first wrote to her when his Los Angeles gallery closed in 1938. He met her in Europe and they became fast friends (ibid., 69).

178. Ibid., 99.

179. Davidson and Rylands, Peggy Guggenheim and Frederick Kiesler, 372.

180. Phillips, Frederick Kiesler, 114.

181. Guggenheim was a longtime supporter of Abbott. See Sullivan, Berenice Abbott, Photographer. Another, unfortunately never finished, creative project inspired by the gallery is Maya Deren’s film The Witch’s Cradle (1943), which includes Duchamp, the Kieslers, and Pajorita Matta. Deren’s emigration from Russia, her advocacy of intimate “chamber films,” analogous to chamber music, and her organizational prowess suggest parallels with Walden. See Turim, “Ethics of Form”; and Geller, “‘Each Film Was Built as a Chamber and Became a Corridor.’”

182. Quaintance, “Modern Art in a Modern Setting,” 250–59.

183. A reproduction of the typescript is in Davidson and Rylands, Peggy Guggenheim and Frederick Kiesler, 174–75.

184. A reproduction of the typescript is in Kittelmann and Bogner, Friedrich Kiesler, 78–79, capitalization as in original.

185. Quaintance, “Modern Art in a Modern Setting,” 263.

186. Freud, “‘Uncanny,’” 17:245.

187. Demos, Exiles of Marcel Duchamp, 214.

188. Demos quotes Kiesler from Cynthia Goodman, “Frederick Kiesler: Designs for Peggy Guggenheim’s Art of This Century Gallery,” Arts Magazine 51 (June 1977): 93 (ibid., 215).

189. Ibid., 216.

190. Kiesler, “Note on Designing,” 1, quoted in Davidson and Rylands, Peggy Guggenheim and Frederick Kiesler, 174.

191. Ibid., 175.

192. See Krejci, “Die Beziehungen Friedrich Kieslers zu Berlin im Spiegel der Internationalen Ausstellung neuer Theatertechnik in Wien 1924”; and Warren, “Friedrich Kiesler and Theatrical Modernism in Vienna.”

193. Heap notes that the exhibition was her idea but that Tzara advised her to seek Kiesler’s cooperation. See the issue of the journal that serves as the exhibition catalog, Kiesler, “International Theatre Exposition,” 5.

194. Léger, “Das Schauspiel”; and Walden, “Theater.”

195. Schwitters und Rolan, “Merz,” 38.

196. Der Sturm dedicated its summer 1925 issue to the Viennese exhibit. See Dolbin, “Die internationale Ausstellung neuer Theatertechnik in Wien.”

197. Kiesler, Katalog Programm Almanach, 59.

198. Demos quotes Lacan on “the nostalgias of humanity . . . all resulting from the fear of paradise lost before birth and from the most obscure aspirations for death” (Lacan, “Le complexe, facteur concret de la psychologie familiale,” in L’encyclopédie française, ed. A. de Monzie [Paris: 1938], 8:8, quoted in Demos, Exiles of Marcel Duchamp, 220, his translation).

199. Adorno, Minima Moralia: Reflections from Damaged Life, trans. E. F. N. Jephcott (New York: Verso, 1991), 38–39, quoted in Demos, Exiles of Marcel Duchamp, 224.

200. Vidler, Architectural Uncanny, 3–10.

201. McDonough, review of Exiles of Marcel Duchamp, 246. Further, some avant-gardists explicitly embraced the maternal. Tzara, who commissioned a home by Loos in Paris in 1926–27, wrote in 1933 that the “ideal dwelling place” is the “prenatal comfort” of the mother; he calls for an “architecture of the womb.” Typical of art historians ready to identify desire for the womb as regressive, Foster calls Tzara’s “fantasy . . . outrageous” (Tzara, “D’un certain automatisme du goût,” Minotaure 3–4 [December 1933]: 84, quoted in Foster, “Proper Subject,” 98). Foster adds: “There are, of course, feminist ripostes to these fantasies in the work of Luce Irigaray, Louis Bourgeois, and others,” but he does not elaborate (ibid., 376n107). For Irigaray, he may refer to the following: “The [male] ‘subject’ finds everything flowing abhorrent. And even in the mother, in the cohesion of the ‘body’ (subject) that he seeks . . . not those things in the mother that recall the woman—the flowing things” (Irigaray, Speculum of the Other Woman, 237).

202. Vidler, Architectural Uncanny, 10. In a footnote (229n18), Vidler draws attention to Silverman’s book, Acoustic Mirror, in which she compares usage of the word uncanny in Freud’s essays “The ‘Uncanny’” and “Fetishism” to problematize the masculinist assumptions in the theory of the home/womb as regressive. See Silverman, Acoustic Mirror, 17–19; and Freud, “Fetishism.”

203. Dreier, unpublished journal, Dreier Papers.

1. Wünsche assesses her work in the context of Dreier’s and Hilla von Rebay’s in “In Pursuit of a Spiritual Calling,” 217–21. See also Barnett and Helfenstein, Blue Four; Barnett, Blue Four Collection at the Norton Simon Museum; and Wünsche, Galka E. Scheyer and the Blue Four.

2. Logbook, YCAL MSS 101, box 90, folder 2323, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

3. Dreier to Klee, 30 March 1926, YCAL MSS 101, box 20, folder 582, Dreier Papers / Société Anonyme Archive.

4. Selz, “Impact from Abroad,” 102.

5. A list of contributors to the Argus describes Putzel as the “art and music critic” of the Monitor, San Francisco, as well, but I have not yet located his contributions there. See “With Our Contributors,” Argus: A Journal of Art Criticism 3, no. 3 (1928): 188. Full text of the Argus is available at archive.org.

6. Putzel, “Thirty European Modernists.”

7. Ibid.

8. Putzel, “Lyonel Feininger.” He followed up with “Alexander Jawlensky.”

9. Lader, “Howard Putzel,” 85. Lader’s dissertation, “Peggy Guggenheim’s Art of This Century,” provides greater detail. The Boynton murals have recently been restored. According to the college’s website, “Boynton created visual music that has enlivened the concert hall and captured the spirit and vision of Mills College for over sixty years” (musicnow.mills.edu/murals.php).

10. Putzel, “Ray Boynton’s Mural Decorations at Mills College,” 335, 337, 338.

11. Meier-Graefe, Modern Art, 1:21–23; see Anger, “Modernism at Home,” 214–15.

12. Lee, Painting on the Left, 57–86.

13. See plan in O’Connor, “Jackson Pollock’s Mural for Peggy Guggenheim,” 158.

14. See Szafran et al., Jackson Pollock’s “Mural.”

15. Lader, “Howard Putzel,” 85.

16. Hermine Benheim, “Howard Putzel and the Beginnings of Abstract Expressionism,” unpub. ms., Howard Putzel Collection, Archives of American Art, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C., quoted in Lader, “Howard Putzel,” 95n6.

17. Chave, “Pollock and Krasner.” Brennan analyzes such rhetoric to different ends in “Pollock and Krasner.”

18. Chave, “Pollock and Krasner,” 106.

19. Francis V. O’Connor and Eugene Victor Thaw, Jackson Pollock: A Catalogue Raisonné of Paintings, Drawings and Other Works (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1978), 4:241, quoted in Chave, “Pollock and Krasner,” 100.

20. Chave, “Pollock and Krasner,” 106.

21. Ibid.

22. Chave draws from Alice Jardine, Gynesis: Configurations of Woman and Modernity (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1985); and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, “Displacement and the Discourse of Woman,” in Displacement, Derrida and After, edited by Mark Krupnick (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1983), 169–95 (“Pollock and Krasner,” 108).

23. Davidson and Rylands, Peggy Guggenheim, 328–29.

24. Ibid., 329.

25. Greenberg, “‘American-Type’ Painting,” in Collected Essays, 3:217–36, quoted in Chave, “Pollock and Krasner,” 110.

26. See www.moma.org/collection/works/79070.

27. Shakespeare, The Tempest, 1.2.

28. Consider Brennan’s analysis of “home” from another perspective in “Pollock and Krasner.”

29. Jones, Machine in the Studio, 47.

30. See Namuth, “Photographing Jackson Pollock”; Rose, “Namuth’s Photographs and the Pollock Myth”; Jones, Machine in the Studio, 60–113; and Jones, “‘Pollockian Performative,’” esp. 53–82.

31. Jones, Machine in the Studio, 47.

32. Ibid.

33. See Andrew Perchuk, “Pollock and Postwar Masculinity,” in The Masculine Masquerade: Masculinity and Representation, edited by Andrew Perchuk and Helaine Posner (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1995), 42, quoted in Jones, “‘Pollockian Performative,’” 80.

34. Pollock, quoted in Namuth, Jackson Pollock, 51.