1. On the Atlantic origins of a modern representational economy, see Ian Baucom, Specters of the Atlantic: Finance Capital, Slavery, and the Philosophy of History (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2005), 35–79.
2. See W. J. T. Mitchell, “Imperial Landscape,” in Landscape and Power, ed. W. J. T. Mitchell, 2nd ed. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 9; and Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Stephen Kalberg (Los Angeles: Roxbury, 2002), 14–18.
3. Martin Heidegger, Off the Beaten Track, ed. and trans. Julian Young and Kenneth Haynes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 71.
4. See Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been Modern, trans. Catherine Porter (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1993). For an interpretation of the nineteenth-century world exhibition through Heidegger’s concept of the world picture, see Timothy Mitchell, Colonising Egypt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 1–33.
5. See, for example, Fatimah Tobing Rony, The Third Eye: Race, Cinema, and Ethnographic Spectacle (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1996), 112–13; and William Rothman, Documentary Film Classics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 11–13.
6. Michael Taussig, Mimesis and Alterity: A Particular History of the Senses (New York: Routledge, 1993). Taussig discusses Nanook of the North on 200–203.
7. The French director Abel Gance, for instance, described cinema as “the great magic Art of the alchemists.” See Paul Cuff, Abel Gance and the End of Silent Cinema: Sounding out Utopia (Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave MacMillan, 2016), 74.
8. It is Latour’s argument in We Have Never Been Modern that, despite the modern Constitution, we have in fact always inhabited this in-between space. On the vertiginous in early modern art see Rose Marie San Juan, Vertiginous Mirrors: The Animation of the Visual Image and Early Modern Travel (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2011).
9. Jennifer L. Roberts, Transporting Visions: The Movement of Images in Early America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014), 13–67. See also Roberts, “Copley’s Cargo: Boy with a Squirrel and the Dilemma of Transit,” American Art 21, no. 2 (Summer 2007): 21–41.
10. Taussig, Mimesis and Alterity, 201. On the staging of the scene, see Rony, Third Eye, 123.
11. A sound version of Nanook of the North was released in 1947. On the history of the film, see Roswitha Skare, Nanook of the North from 1922 to Today (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2016).
12. Leigh Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things: Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 7.
13. See Schmidt, Hearing Things; Richard Cullen Rath, How Early America Sounded (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 2003); and Edwin C. Hill Jr., Black Soundscapes, White Stages: The Meaning of Francophone Sound in the Black Atlantic (Baltimore, Md.: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013). The idea of the “soundscape” was first developed by R. Murray Schafer in The Tuning of the World (New York: Knopf, 1977). For a useful overview of the field of sound studies, see Jonathan Sterne, “Sonic Imaginations,” in The Sound Studies Reader, ed. Jonathan Sterne (London: Routledge, 2012), 1–17.
14. See Michel de Certeau, Heterologies: Discourse on the Other, trans. Brian Massumi (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986).
15. See Asma Naeem, “The Aural Imagination,” American Art 24, no. 3 (Fall 2010): 14–17; and Marlene Eberhart, “Sensing, Time and the Aural Imagination in Titian’s Venus with Organist and Dog,” Artibus et Historiae 65, no. 33 (2012): 79–95. Also see Niall Atkinson’s recent exploration of what he calls the “sonic imagination” in Renaissance Florence in The Noisy Renaissance: Sound, Architecture, and Florentine Urban Life (University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 2016).
16. Edison quoted in W. K. L. and Antonia Dickson, History of the Kinetograph, Kinetoscope, and Kineto-Phonograph (New York: Albert Bunn, 1895), 4.
17. On music and silent film, see Rick Altman, Silent Film Sound (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004). On intertitle commentators, see André Gaudreault, “Lecturer,” in Encyclopedia of Early Cinema, ed. Richard Abel (London: Routledge, 2005), 379–80.
18. Michel Chion, The Voice in Cinema, trans. Claudia Gorbman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 8.
19. The literature on the comparison of painting and poetry is vast. A standard work is Rensselaer Lee, “Ut Pictura Poesis: The Humanistic Theory of Painting,” Art Bulletin 22, no. 4 (December 1940): 197–269. For a more recent and highly suggestive intervention, see Leonard Barkan, Mute Poetry, Speaking Pictures (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2013).
20. On Wilson’s installation see Mining the Museum: An Installation by Fred Wilson, ed. Lisa G. Corrin (Baltimore: The Contemporary, 1994).
21. See Katherine Jansen, “Miraculous Crucifixes in Late Medieval Italy,” in Signs, Wonders, Miracles: Representations of Divine Power in the Life of the Church, ed. Kate Cooper and Jeremy Gregory (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 2005), 203–27.
22. On Bernini and the “speaking likeness” see Bernini and the Birth of Baroque Portrait Sculpture, ed. Andrea Bacchi, Catherine Hess, and Jennifer Mantagu (Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Museum, 2008). On Kircher’s Delphic Oracle, which consisted of a portrait bust attached to a thirty-foot-long speaking tube, see Giorgio de Sepi, The Celebrated Museum of the Roman College of the Society of Jesus, ed. Peter Davidson, trans. Anastasi Callinicos and Daniel Höhr (Philadelphia: St. Joseph’s University Press, 2015), 163–64. Kircher’s museum also included a speaking statue of the Virgin (see Joseph R. Jones, “Historical Materials for the Study of the Cabeza Encantada Episode in Don Quijote II.62,” Hispanic Review 47, no. 1 [Winter, 1979]: 100).
23. See Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994).
24. See Sharon Elizabeth Fermor, “Studies in the Depiction of the Moving Figure in Italian Renaissance Art, Art Criticism, and Dance Theory” (PhD diss., The Warburg Institute, University of London, 1990).
1. “It Seems Their Voices Are Still in My Ears”
1. Claude Lévi-Strauss, Tristes Tropiques, trans. John and Doreen Weightman (New York: Penguin, 1973), 81.
2. Jean de Léry, History of a Voyage to the Land of Brazil, Otherwise Called America, trans. Janet Whatley (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 142–44.
3. Michel de Certeau, The Writing of History, trans. Tom Conley (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), 211. On Lery’s ravishment by the Tupinambá chants, also see Frank Lestringant, Jean de Léry, ou, l’invention du sauvage: essai sur l’Histoire d’un voyage faict en la terre du Brésil (Paris: Champion, 1999), 135–57; Stephen Greenblatt, Marvelous Possessions: The Wonder of the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 14–19; and Gary Tomlinson, The Singing of the New World: Indigenous Voice in the Era of European Contact (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 45–48.
4. For Léry’s description of these items see Léry, History of a Voyage, 61, 64.
5. Léry, History of a Voyage, 142. For the Latin, see Jean de Léry, Navigatio in Brasiliam Americae (Frankfurt am Main: Theodor de Bry, 1592), 227. Here and throughout this chapter, I rely on Whatley’s English translation (based on the French text), but I will also cite the corresponding page(s) in de Bry’s Latin edition.
6. Léry, History of a Voyage, 142; Léry, Navigatio, 227.
7. Léry, History of a Voyage, 142; Léry, Navigatio, 227.
8. Staff notations for the chant appear in editions of Histoire d’un voyage published from 1585 onward.
9. See Jacques Forge, “Naissance d’une image,” in L’Amérique de Théodore de Bry: une collection de voyages protestante du XVIe siècle, ed. Michèle Duchet (Paris: Editions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1987), 113.
10. The Bible and Holy Scriptures Conteyned in the Olde and Newe Testament (Geneva: printed by Rouland Hall, 1560), 41r.
11. The Bible and Holy Scriptures, 33r.
12. Charles G. Dempsey, “Poussin and Egypt,” The Art Bulletin 45, no. 2 (June 1963): 117–18.
13. See Alexander Nagel, The Controversy of Renaissance Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2011), 109–115, and Christopher S. Wood, “Ritual and the Virgin on the Column: The Cult of the Schöne Maria in Regensburg,” Journal of Ritual Studies 6, no. 1 (Winter 1992): 99–100.
14. The subject appealed to both Protestant and Catholic audiences. Sadeler’s print, for example, was first published in Catholic Antwerp in Gerard de Jode’s 1585 Thesaurus sacrarum, but this collection of biblical subjects was later republished (with modifications) in Amsterdam in 1639 by the Calvinist Claes Jansz. Visscher as the Theatrum biblicum.
15. On the ambivalence of Lucas van Leyden’s Worship of the Golden Calf, see Peter W. Parshall, “Some Visual Paradoxes in Northern Renaissance Art,” Wascana Review 9, no. 1 (Spring 1974): 100–103, and David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1989), 378–85.
16. John Calvin, quoted in Ann Wagner, Adversaries of Dance: From the Puritans to the Present (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), 27.
17. Lambert Daneau, Traité des danses (Geneva: François Estienne, 1579), 102 (translation mine). Daneau’s comparison, which is drawn from the Reformed theologian Pierre Viret, is repeated in Jean Taffin’s 1595 The Amendment of Life and William Perkins’s 1596 A Discourse of Conscience (see Wagner, Adversaries of Dance, 27–36).
18. John Forrest, The History of Morris Dancing, 1458–1750 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1999), 3–4, 74.
19. Léry, History of a Voyage, 76.
20. Thomas Harriot, A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia (Frankfurt am Main: Johann Wechel for Theodor de Bry, 1590), Plate XVIII. The engraving is based on a watercolor drawing by the British painter John White.
21. Jean Frédéric Bernard, The Ceremonies and Religious Customs of the Various Nations of the Known World, vol. 1 (London: William Jackson for Claude Du Bosc, 1733), 251.
22. Antonio Paolucci, “Ecco la prima imagine dei nativi americani raccontati da Colombo,” L’Osservatore romano, April 27, 2013, museivaticani.va/content/dam/museivaticani/pdf/musei_papa/saluto_direttore/rassegna_2013/osservatore_romano/MV_130427_Prima_immagine_dei_nativi_americani.pdf (my translation). It is worth pointing out that the figural group behind the head of the Roman soldier also includes a man in profile who appears to wear a Spanish helmet, as well as three horses.
23. Paolucci, “Ecco la prima imagine.” Paolucci’s statement is not quite correct, since Giuliano Dati’s Italian verse translation of Columbus’s letter on his first voyage, which was published in June of 1493, and therefore almost certainly predates the completion of Pinturicchio’s fresco, includes a frontispiece woodcut showing the Indians encountered by Columbus.
24. Christopher Columbus, The Four Voyages, trans. J. M. Cohen (London: Penguin, 1969), 117.
25. Sylvia Poggioli, “Long Hidden, Vatican Painting Linked to Native Americans,” The Two-Way: Breaking News from NPR, May 5, 2013, accessed January 4, 2017, npr.org/sections/thetwo-way/2013/05/05/180860991/long-hidden-vatican-painting-linked-to-native-americans.
26. Christopher Columbus, Select Letters of Christopher Columbus: With Other Original Documents, Relating to His Four Voyages to the New World, ed. R.H. Major (London: Hakluyt Society, 1870), xcix. It is also possible, of course, that Pinturicchio was influenced by unpublished reports from the Spanish crown that reached the painter through his Spanish patron, Pope Alexander VI.
27. See J. Schulz, “Pinturicchio and the Revival of Antiquity,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 25, no. 1/2, (January–June 1962): 35–55.
28. See Nicole Dacos, “Présents américains a la renaissance: l’assimilation de l’exotisme,” Gazette des beaux-Arts 73 (January 1969): 59.
29. See Brian Curran, The Egyptian Renaissance: The Afterlife of Ancient Egypt in Early Modern Italy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007), 107–21.
30. Pope Alexander VI, Inter caetera, in European Treaties Bearing on the History of the United States and its Dependencies to 1648, ed. Frances Gardiner Davenport (Washington, DC: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1917), 77.
31. See Joseph Leo Koerner, “The Epiphany of the Black Magus Circa 1500,” in The Image of the Black in Western Art: From the “Age of Discovery” to the Age of Abolition, ed. David Bindman and Henry Louis Gates, Jr. (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 2010), 1–16, and Susan Lynne Swanson, “The Work of the Magi: Adoration Images and Visions of Globalization in Early Modern Europe” (PhD diss., University of Minnesota, 2015), 19–69.
32. Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1966), 81. On Warburg’s dissertation and accessory motion, see Georges Didi-Huberman, “The Imaginary Breeze: Remarks on the Air of the Quattrocento,” Journal of Visual Culture 2, no. 3 (2003): 275–89, and Philippe-Alain Michaud, Aby Warburg and the Image in Motion, trans. Sophie Hawkes (New York: Zone, 2004), 67–82.
33. Freedberg, Power of Images, xx.
34. Freedberg, Power of Images, 378–85.
35. Léry, History of a Voyage, lxi; Léry, Navigatio, 143.
36. Léry, History of a Voyage, 9; Léry, Navigatio, 147–48.
37. The Bible and Holy Scriptures, 258v. For Calvin’s commentary on Psalm 107, see John Calvin, Commentary on the Book of Psalms, vol. 4, trans. James Anderson (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1847), 245–67.
38. Janet Whatley, “Impression and Initiation: Jean De Lery’s Brazil Voyage,” Modern Language Studies 19, no. 3 (1989): 17. On Léry and experience, also see Andrea Frisch, “In a Sacramental Mode: Jean De Léry’s Calvinist Ethnography,” Representations 77 (Winter 2002): 82–106.
39. I rely here on Tom Cummins’s discerning contrast between de Bry’s America and Herrera’s Historia general in “De Bry and Herrera: ‘Aguas Negras’ or the Hundred Years War Over an Image of America,” in Arte, historia e identitad en América: visiones comparativas, ed. Gustavo Curiel, Renato González Mello, and Juana Gutiérrez Haces (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónomo de México, 1994), 17–31.
40. Michiel van Groesen, The Representations of the Overseas World in the De Bry Collection of Voyages (1590–1634) (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 219–79.
41. The full psalm is printed at the beginning of Léry’s text for the first time in the 1586 Latin edition: Jean de Léry, Historia navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et America dicitur (Geneva: Eustathius Vignon, 1586). This edition served as the basis for de Bry’s Latin and German editions.
42. Jean de Léry, Schiffart in Brasilien in America (Frankfurt am Main: Theodor de Bry, 1593), D1r. The motto was also used in de Bry’s source, the 1586 Latin edition.
43. The Newe Testament of Our Lord Iesus Christ (Geneva: printed by Rouland Hall, 1560), 74r.
44. John Calvin, from Institutes of the Christian Religion, quoted in Stephen H. Webb, The Divine Voice: Christian Proclamation and the Theology of Sound (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Brazos, 2004), 151. On Luther and the privileging of hearing over seeing, see Joseph Leo Koerner, The Reformation of the Image (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 41.
45. John Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistle of Paul to the Romans, trans. John Owen (Edinburgh: Calvin Translation Society, 1849), 400–401.
46. Léry, History of a Voyage, 144; Léry, Navigatio, 229.
47. See Hélène Clastres, The Land-Without-Evil: Tupí-Guaraní Prophetism, trans. Jacqueline Grenez Brovender (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1995).
48. Clastres, The Land-Without-Evil, 75. On beautiful words, see x–xi, 73–76, and 103–4.
49. Staden’s book was published in February of 1557. In December of 1557, the Franciscan friar André Thevet, who had briefly been in the French colony in Guanabara Bay prior to Léry’s arrival, published Les singularitez de la France antarctique, autrement nommé Amerique. Thevet’s book includes a woodcut of a dancing shaman holding a maraca from which Léry, despite his well-known denunciation of Thevet as a liar, borrowed directly for his own woodcut (see Figure 1.1).
50. Hans Staden, Hans Staden’s True History: An Account of Cannibal Captivity in Brazil, ed. and trans. Neil L. Whitehead and Michael Harbsmeier (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2008), 124.
51. On the cult of the maraca, see Clastres, Land-Without-Evil, 38–39; Alfred Métraux, La religion des Tupinamba et ses rapports avec celle des autres tribus Tupi-Guarani (Paris: E. Leroux, 1928), 72–78; and Tomlinson, The Singing of the New World, 110–20.
52. Léry, History of a Voyage, 142.
53. Claudia Swan, “Ad Vivum, Naer Het Leven, From the Life: Defining a Mode of Representation,” Word & Image 11, no. 4 (October–December 1995): 353–72.
54. See Harry Vredeveld, “‘Lend a Voice’: The Humanistic Portrait Epigraph in the Age of Erasmus and Dürer,” Renaissance Quarterly 66, no. 2 (Summer 2013): 525.
55. See Francesco Petrarch, The Essential Petrarch, ed. and trans. Peter Hainsworth (Indianapolis, Ind.: Hackett, 2010), 223.
56. See Alberti, On Painting; Erwin Panofsky, Perspective as Symbolic Form, trans. Christopher S. Wood (New York: Zone, 1991); and Martin Heidegger, “The Age of the World Picture,” in Heidegger, Off the Beaten Track, ed. and trans. Julian Young and Kenneth Haynes (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 57–85.
57. Walter Mignolo, “Crossing Gazes and the Silence of the ‘Indians’: Theodor De Bry and Guaman Poma De Ayala,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 41, no. 1 (Winter 2011): 191.
58. Mignolo, “Crossing Gazes,” 180.
59. Edward Burnet Tylor, Researches into the Early History of Mankind and the Development of Civilization (London: John Murray, 1865), 118. Also see Matthew Rampley, “Mimesis and Allegory: On Aby Warburg and Walter Benjamin,” in Art History as Cultural History: Warburg’s Projects, ed. Richard Woodfield (Amsterdam: G&B Arts, 2001), 121–49.
60. René de Laudonnière and Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues, Brevis narratio eorum quae in Florida Americae provincia Gallis acciderunt (Frankfurt am Main: Theodor de Bry, 1591), E2; Paul Hulton, The Work of Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues: A Huguenot Artist in France, Florida and England, vol. 1 (London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1977), 147.
61. For an overview of the royal entry and a facsimile of its festival book, C’est la deduction . . . , see Margaret M. McGowan, L’Entrée de Henri II á Rouen, 1550 (Amsterdam: Theatrum Orbis Terrarum, 1970). I have also relied on Steven Mullaney, “Strange Things, Gross Terms, Curious Customs: The Rehearsal of Cultures in the Late Renaissance,” in Representing the English Renaissance, ed. Stephen Greenblatt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 65–92; Michael Wintroub, A Savage Mirror: Power, Identity, and Knowledge in Early Modern France (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2006); and Rebecca Zorach, “‘Taken by Night from its Tomb’: Triumph, Dissent, and Danse Macabre in Sixteenth-century France,” in Visualizing Medieval Performance: Perspectives, Histories, Contexts, ed. Elina Gertsman (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2008), 223–45.
62. “Elle sembloit estre veritable, & non simulée” (McGowan, L’Entrée de Henri II á Rouen, K4r). On the Rouen entry and the performative rehearsal of culture, see Mullaney, “Strange Things.”
63. Walter Benjamin, “On the Mimetic Faculty,” in Selected Writings, vol. 2, 1927–1934, trans. Rodney Livingstone et al. (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 1999), 720–22; Michael Taussig, Mimesis and Alterity: a Particular History of the Senses (New York and London: Routledge, 1993).
2. Frans Post’s Silent Landscapes
1. Hugh Honour, The New Golden Land: European Images of America from the Discoveries to the Present Time (New York: Pantheon, 1975), 81. For an overview of scholarly attitudes toward Eckhout’s depictions of indigenous Brazilians, see Rebecca Parker Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise: Albert Eckhout, Court Painter in Colonial Dutch Brazil (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), 96–99.
2. See Ernst van den Boogaart, “Infernal Allies: The Dutch West India Company and the Tarairiu, 1631–1654,” in Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen, 1604–1679: A Humanist Prince in Europe and Brazil: Essays on the Occasion of the Tercentenary of His Death, ed. E. van den Boogaart, H. R. Hoetink, and P. J. P. Whitehead (The Hague: Johan Maurits van Nassau Stichting, 1979), 519–38; Brienen, Visions of Savage Paradise, 97–98, 168–69, 192–99.
3. “Graaf Maurits heeft wilden meegenomen, die dansen uitvoeren, terwijl zij geheel naakt zijn. De dominées, die er met hunne vrouwen naar waren gaan kijken, vonden dat niets aardig” (Constantijn Huygens, Letter to David le Leu de Wilhem of August 27, 1644, in De briefwisseling van Constantijn Huygens, 1644–1649, ed. J. A. Worp [Martinus Nijhoff: Den Haag, 1915], 52). C. R. Boxer quotes a letter from a guest who refers to the audience’s laughter in The Dutch in Brazil, 1624–1654 (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1957), 157. Also see Peter Mason, Infelicities: Representations of the Exotic (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 43.
4. For some examples of speaking images in medieval romance, see J. Douglas Bruce, “Human Automata in Classical Tradition and Medieval Romance,” Modern Philology 10, no. 4 (April 1913): 511–26. On speaking crucifixes and other speaking images in the Middle Ages, see Katherine Jansen, “Miraculous Crucifixes in Late Medieval Italy,” in Signs, Wonders, Miracles: Representations of Divine Power in the Life of the Church, ed. Kate Cooper and Jeremy Gregory (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell, 2005), 203–27, and Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image Before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), passim.
5. See Harry Vredeveld, “‘Lend a Voice.’”
6. Quoted in Erwin Panofsky, “Erasmus and the Visual Arts,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 32 (1969): 225.
7. For overviews of the history of Dutch Brazil, see Boxer, Dutch in Brazil, and Mark Meuwese, Brothers in Arms, Partners in Trade: Dutch-Indigenous Alliances in the Atlantic World, 1595–1674 (Leiden: Brill, 2012), 15–54.
8. Key modern sources for this material include van den Boogart, Hoetink, and Whitehead, Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen; A Portrait of Dutch 17th Century Brazil: Animals, Plants and People by the Artists of Johan Maurits of Nassau, ed. P. J. P. Whitehead and M. Boeseman (Amsterdam: North-Holland, 1989); and Dutch Brazil, ed. Cristina Ferrão and José Paulo Monteiro Soares, 5 vols. (Rio de Janeiro and Petrópolis: Editora Index, 1997–2000).
9. Whitehead and Boeseman, Portrait, 21.
10. See R. A. Eekhout, “The Mauritias: A Neo-Latin Epic by Franciscus Plante,” in van den Boogaart, Hoetink, and Whitehead, Johan Maurits van Nassau-Siegen, 377–93, and Benjamin Schmidt, Innocence Abroad: The Dutch Imagination and the New World, 1570–1670 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 253–54.
11. Frans Post himself did not join the Haarlem Guild of St. Luke until after his return from Brazil in 1646. On Post’s background, see Pedro and Bia Corrêa do Lago, Frans Post, 1612–1680: Catalogue Raisonné (Milan: 5 Continents, 2007), 20–29, and León Krempel, “Biographische und stilistische Notizen zu Frans Post,” in Frans Post (1612–1680): Maler des Verlorenen Paradieses, ed. León Krempel (Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2006), 19–28.
12. Caspar van Baerle [Caspar Barlaeus], The History of Brazil Under the Governorship of Count Johan Maurits of Nassau, 1636–1644, trans. Blanche T. van Berckel-Ebeling Koning (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2011), 313.
13. See Ulrike Gehring, “Painted Topographies: A Transdisciplinary Approach to Science and Technology in Seventeenth-Century Landscape Painting,” in Mapping Spaces: Networks of Knowledge in 17th Century Landscape Painting, ed. Ulrike Gehring and Peter Weibel (Karlsruhe: ZKM and Center for Art and Media, 2014), 27–31.
14. See Frans Post: Le Brésil à la cour de Louis XIV, ed. Pedro Corrêa do Lago and Blaise Ducos (Milan: 5 Continents, 2005).
15. One of the numbers in the month on this painting appears to be missing. Corrêa do Lago suggests November as the most likely month (Frans Post, 1612–1680, 88).
16. Barlaeus, History, 121; Corrêa do Lago, Frans Post, 1612–1680, 88.
17. Corrêa do Lago, Frans Post, 1612–1680, 88.
18. On Post’s later paintings and exoticism, see Benjamin Schmidt, “The ‘Dutch Atlantic’ and the Dubious Case of Frans Post,” in Dutch Atlantic Connections, 1680–1800: Linking Empires, Bridging Borders, ed. Gert Oostindie and Jessica V. Roitman (Leiden: Brill, 2014), 249–72. On the Dutch market for curiosities, see Dániel Margócsy, Commercial Visions: Science, Trade, and Visual Culture in the Dutch Golden Age (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), and Harold J. Cook, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007).
19. David Freedberg, “Science, Commerce, and Art: Neglected Topics at the Junction of History and Art History,” in Art in History / History in Art: Studies in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Culture, ed. David Freedberg and Jan de Vries (Santa Monica: Getty Center for the History of Art and the Humanities, 1991), 390.
20. Van de Boogaart, “Infernal Allies,” 521.
21. Dante Martins Teixeira, “The ‘Thierbuch’ of Zacharias Wagener of Dresden (1614–1668) and the Oil Paintings of Albert Eckhout,” in Albert Eckhout volta ao Brasil / Albert Eckhout Returns to Brazil, 1644–2002, ed. Barbara Berlowicz et al. (Copenhagen: Nationalmuseet, 2002), 176.
22. See Angela Vanhaelen’s insightful essay, “Boredom’s Threshold: Dutch Realism,” Art History 35, no. 5 (November 2012): 1004–23.
23. Alois Riegl, The Group Portraiture of Holland, trans. Evelyn M. Kain and David Britt (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute for the History of Art and the Humanities, 1999), 64. And see Vanhaelen, “Boredom’s Threshold,” 1005, 1013–17.
24. See Alois Riegl, “Die Stimmung als Inhalt der modernen Kunst,” in Die Graphischen Künste, ed. Friedrich Dörnhöffer and Karl Masner (Vienna: Gesellschaft für Vervielfältigende Kunst, 1899), 47–56.
25. Erik Larsen, Frans Post, interprète du Brésil (Amsterdam: Colibris, 1962), 138–40. For a critique of Larsen’s argument about the reversed telescope, see Peter J. P. Whitehead, “Frans Post and the Reversed Galilean Telescope,” The Burlington Magazine 128, no. 1004 (November 1986): 805–7.
26. See Gehring, “Painted Topographies,” 87–89.
27. Recently two studies for the capybara, along with thirty-two additional animal studies by Post, were discovered in the Noord-Hollands Archief in Haarlem. See Alexander de Bruin, “Frans Post: Animals in Brazil,” Master Drawings 54, no. 3 (October 2016–January 2017): 5–80.
28. J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, 1449–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 23. Also see Liza Oliver, “Frans Post’s Brazil: Fractures in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Colonial Landscape Paintings,” Dutch Crossing 37, no. 3 (November 2013): 203–4; Corrêa do Lago, Frans Post, 1612–1680, 71; Netherlandish Art in the Rijksmuseum: 1600–1700, ed. Jan Piet Filedt Kok et al. (Amsterdam: Waanders, 2001), 158.
29. Souren Melikan, “Startling Originality of a Dutch Painter: Bold Landscapes from Journey to Brazil,” International Herald Tribune, December 10, 2005; Corrêa do Lago, Frans Post, 1612–1680, 96, 104, 33; Ernst van den Boogaart, “A Well-Governed Colony: Frans Post’s Illustrations in Caspar Barlaeus’s History of Dutch Brazil,” The Rijksmuseum Bulletin 59, no. 3 (2011), 243; and Joaquim de Sousa-Leão, Frans Post: 1612–1680 (Amsterdam: A. L. van Gendt, 1973), 24.
30. Barlaeus, History, 72.
31. Corrêa do Lago, Frans Post, 1612–1680, 31.
32. See the summary of this tradition in Boudewijn Bakker, Landscape and Religion from Van Eyck to Rembrandt, trans. Diane Webb (London: Routledge, 2012), 202–4.
33. On Indian alliances, see Meuwese, Brothers in Arms; on WIC involvement in the slave trade, see Johannes Menne Postma, The Dutch in the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1600–1815 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 1–24; on slave revolt in Brazil, see Stuart B. Schwartz, Slaves, Peasants, and Rebels: Reconsidering Brazilian Slavery (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), 103–36.
34. On the pacifying response to conflict in seventeenth-century Dutch art, see Svetlana Alpers, The Vexations of Art: Velázquez and Others (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2005), 83–109.
35. Karel van Mander, The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, ed. Hessel Miedema, vol. l, trans. Jacqueline Pennial-Boer and Charles Ford (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994), 50. Also see Walter Melion, Shaping the Netherlandish Canon: Karel van Mander’s Schilder-Boeck (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1991), 7, and Walter S. Gibson, Pleasant Places: The Rustic Landscape from Bruegel to Ruisdael (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 68.
36. See Gehring, “Painted Topographies.”
37. Lawrence Weschler, “Inventing Peace,” The New Yorker 71, no. 37 (November 20, 1995): 57. Also see the discussion of this essay in Bryan Jay Wolf, Vermeer and the Invention of Seeing (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), 192–93.
38. For a recent reflection on the ways landscape resists the critical formulas of the art historian, see Jennifer Raab, “Landscape and the Risk of Metaphor,” American Art 3, no. 2 (Summer 2017): 56–58.
39. On the early humanist as orator, see Michael Baxandall, Giotto and the Orators: Humanist Observers of Painting in Italy and the Discovery of Pictorial Composition, 1350–1450 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971), 1–4, and Hanna H. Gray, “Renaissance Humanism: The Pursuit of Eloquence,” Journal of the History of Ideas 24, no. 4 (October–December 1963), 500.
40. Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1966), 73–74; John R. Spencer, “Ut Rhetorica Pictura: A Study in Quattrocento Theory of Painting,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 20, no. 1–2 (January–June 1957), 33–34.
41. Alberti quoted in Anthony Grafton, Worlds Made by Words: Scholarship and Community in the Modern West (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2009), 38. The quotation is from Alberti, De re aedificatoria 7.10. On Alberti and the istoria, see Grafton, Worlds Made by Words, 35–55.
42. On the San Zeno altarpiece and the kind of humanist ekphrasis that it might have elicited from the Renaissance viewer, see Keith Christiansen, “The Genius of Andrea Mantegna,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 67, no. 2 (Fall 2009): 18–26.
43. Pliny the Elder, Natural History, vol. 9, Books 33–35, trans. H. Rackham, Loeb Classical Library 394 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952), 336–37. On the meaning of the term parergon and its adoption by Renaissance commentators on landscape, see E. H. Gombrich, “The Renaissance Theory of Art and the Rise of Landscape,” in Norm and Form: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966), 114–15, and Christopher S. Wood, Albrecht Altdorfer and the Origins of Landscape (London: Reaktion, 1993), 54–65.
44. Wood, Albrecht Altdorfer, 9.
45. Thomas Blount, Glossographia (London: printed by Thomas Newcomb, 1656), Y8r, quoted in Wood, Albrecht Altdorfer, 57.
46. Karel van Mander, The Foundation of the Noble Free Art of Painting, trans. Elizabeth A. Honig et al. (New Haven: E. A. Honig, 1985), 27. On van Mander’s understanding of the relationship between history and landscape, see Melion, Shaping the Netherlandish Canon, 1–12; and Bakker, Landscape and Religion, 175–97.
47. Svetlana Alpers, The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the Seventeenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), 159.
48. See Alpers’s discussion of this painting in Art of Describing, 119–26, 165–68.
49. See, for example, Anthony Grafton and Thomas DaCosta Kaufmann, “Holland without Huizinga: Dutch Visual Culture in the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, no. 2 (Autumn 1985): 255–65.
50. Grafton and Kaufmann, “Holland without Huizinga,” 261–63.
51. Alpers, Art of Describing, xxii.
52. See, for example, John Barrell, The Dark Side of the Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting, 1730–1840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980); David H. Solkin, Richard Wilson: The Landscape of Reaction (London: Tate Gallery, 1982); Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition, 1740–1860 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986); and Andrew Hemingway, Landscape Imagery and Urban Culture in Early Nineteenth-Century Britain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992).
53. Barrell, Dark Side of the Landscape, 149. On the absorption of Constable’s figures in the landscape, see Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology, 138–40.
54. For an overview of this historiography, see Bakker, Landscape and Religion, 199–229.
55. Julie Hochstrasser, “Remapping Dutch Art in Global Perspective: Other Points of View,” in Cultural Contact and the Making of European Art since the Age of Exploration, ed. Mary D. Sheriff (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2010), 64.
56. Hochstrasser, “Remapping Dutch Art,” 50. This “surface” reading, however, is itself questionable, since the Dutch colony in Brazil had come to an end in 1654. As Schmidt argues, Post’s later Brazilian works are better interpreted through a discourse of exoticism than one of nationalistic pride (“The ‘Dutch Atlantic’”).
57. In June 1645, Brosterhuyzen wrote to Constantijn Huygens that he had begun etching Post’s drawings (Boogaart, “A Well-Governed Colony,” 238). Post’s drawings are located in the British Museum: Prints and Drawings, 1928, 0310.90. They are catalogued in Leonardo Dantas Silva, Dutch Brazil: Frans Post, The British Museum Drawings (Petrópolis: Editora Index, 2000).
58. Barlaeus, History, 44.
59. Barlaeus, History, 72.
60. Barlaeus, History, 72.
61. Mauritius redux is included at the end of Barlaeus’s Historia: Caspar Barlaeus, Rerum per octennium in Brasilia . . . historia (Amsterdam: Joannes Blaeu, 1647), 334–40. On the poems by Barlaeus in celebration of Dutch military victories, see A. J. E. Harmsen, “Barlaeus’s Description of the Dutch Colony in Brazil,” in Travel Fact and Travel Fiction: Studies on Fiction, Literary Tradition, Scholarly Discovery, and Observation in Travel Writing, ed. Z. R. W. M. von Martels (New York: Brill, 1994), 161–63.
62. Barlaeus, History, 20. On Barlaeus’s decidedly humanist perspective on Dutch Brazil, see Schmidt, Innocence Abroad, 254–57.
63. Anthony Grafton, What Was History?: The Art of History in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), 21.
64. Nicholas Wickenden, G. J. Vossius and the Humanist Concept of History (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1993), 23. On the relevance of Vossius’s Ars historica to Barlaeus’s Historia, see Harmsen, “Barlaeus’s Description.”
65. Wickenden, G. J. Vossius, 65.
66. Wickenden, G. J. Vossius, 211–12; Grafton, What Was History?, 45.
67. Gray, “Renaissance Humanism,” 498. On the importance of eloquence in teaching at the Amsterdam Athenaeum, see Dirk van Miert, Humanism in an Age of Science: The Amsterdam Athenaeum in the Golden Age, 1632–1704 (Boston: Brill, 2009).
68. “. . . Poesin vel aequet, vel vincat: sed etiam paria Historiae faciat.” Gerardus Joannes Vossius, De quatuor artibus popularibus: grammatistice, gymnastice, musice, et graphice (Amsterdam: Joannes Bleau, 1650), 66–67. On the breadth and flexibility of the term “historia,” see Grafton, Worlds Made by Words, 35–55.
69. Barlaeus, History, 161.
70. Barlaeus, History, 1 (quotation slightly modified).
71. Barlaeus, History, 100. The “ostriches” that the Dutch encountered in Brazil were rheas.
72. This occurs in a poem entitled “In tabulam oppositam” that explicates the meanings of the book’s emblematic frontispiece, which shows four cherubs blowing the trumpets of Fame: “At quam, Fama, vides, lituos inflare tubasque, / Non vim, sed speciem, tanta loquentis habet” (Barlaeus, Rerum per octennium [unpaginated]).
73. Alberti, On Painting, 78.
74. In his essay “Why Look at Animals?,” John Berger writes of the difference between meeting the look of an animal and meeting that of another human. The animal’s “lack of common language, its silence, guarantees its distance, its distinctness, its exclusion, from and of man” (John Berger, About Looking [New York: Pantheon, 1980], 4).
3. Magical Pictures
1. Charles Brockden describes the event in a letter to Thomas Noble of July 21, 1745 (Milton J. Coalter Jr., Gilbert Tennent, Son of Thunder: A Case Study of Continental Pietism’s Impact on the First Great Awakening in the Middle Colonies [New York: Greenwood, 1986], 125–26).
2. Coalter, Gilbert Tennent, 126.
3. Gilbert Tennent, All Things Come Alike to All: A Sermon, On Eccles. IX. 1, 2 and 3 Verses. Occasioned by a Person’s Being Struck by the Lightning and Thunder (Philadelphia: printed by William Bradford, 1745), 40.
4. Benjamin Franklin, New Experiments and Observations on Electricity (London: D. Henry and R. Cave, 1754), 112.
5. The phrase “Prometheus of modern times” appears in Kant’s essay from 1756: “Continued observations on the earthquakes that have been experienced for some time,” trans. Olaf Reinhardt, in The Cambridge Edition of the Works of Immanuel Kant: Natural Science, ed. Eric Watkins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 373. It should be noted that Kant’s praise for Franklin is decidedly ambivalent (even though the literature on Franklin never notes this fact, despite the frequency with which the phrase is quoted). The full passage is monitory: in Kant’s view, Promethean endeavors such as Franklin’s ultimately lead man “to the humbling reminder, which is where he ought properly to start, that he is never anything more than a human being.”
6. See Mary D. Sheriff, “Au Génie de Franklin: An Allegory by J.-H. Fragonard,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 127, no. 3 (June 1983): 180–93. There is a third portrait made during Franklin’s lifetime that directly associates him with the lightning. Painted by Charles Willson Peale in 1789 and in the collection of the Philadelphia History Museum, the portrait shows an older Franklin who is seated, holding a lightning rod, with a bolt of lightning out the window. On the portraiture of Franklin, see also Brandon Frame Fortune and Deborah J. Warner, Franklin & His Friends: Portraying the Man of Science in Eighteenth Century America (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian National Portrait Gallery, 1999); Deborah Jean Warner, “Portrait Prints of Men of Science in Eighteenth-Century America,” Imprint 25, no. 1 (Spring 2000), 26–33; Wayne Craven, “The American and British Portraits of Benjamin Franklin,” in Reappraising Benjamin Franklin: A Bicentennial Perspective, ed. J. A. Leo Lemay (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1993), 247–71; Richard Dorment, British Painting in the Philadelphia Museum of Art: From the Seventeenth through the Nineteenth Century (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1986), 38–44; and Charles Coleman Sellers, Benjamin Franklin in Portraiture (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1962).
7. William T. Whitley, Artists and their Friends in England, 1700–1799 (London: Medici Society, 1928), 375. The key sources on Chamberlin’s life are Whitley, 83–84, and Edward Edwards, Anecdotes of Painters who have Resided or been Born in England (London: Leigh and Sotheby, 1808), 121–22.
8. On the circulation of the print, see Warner, “Portrait Prints,” 27–28, and Fortune and Warner, Franklin & His Friends, 77.
9. Benjamin Franklin, Letter to Jonathan Williams of February 24, 1764, in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 11, ed. Leonard W. Labaree (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1967), 89.
10. James Delbourgo, A Most Amazing Scene of Wonders: Electricity and Enlightenment in Early America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2006), 16.
11. Ebenezer Kinnersley, “Notice is hereby given to the Curious,” The New York Gazette, or Weekly Post-Boy, June 1, 1752.
12. Mircea Eliade, Patterns in Comparative Religion (New York: Sheed and Ward, 1958), 38.
13. Lucretius, The Nature of Things, trans. A. E. Stallings (London: Penguin, 2007), 187.
14. Psalm 77:17, in The Bible: Authorized King James Version, ed. Robert Carroll and Stephen Pricket (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 681. See also Pss. 18:14 and 144:6 and Zech. 9:14. For a medieval example of this iconography, see the thirteenth-century Bible moralisée, Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS 270b, fol. 132r: in one of the illustrated roundels on this page, God sends down lightning in the form of arrow heads onto the Saracens.
15. See the recent critical edition: Julius Wilhelm Zincgref, Emblematum ethico-politica, 2 vols., ed. Dieter Mertens and Theodor Verweyen (Tübingen: M. Niemeyer, 1993).
16. See Robert Blair St. George, Conversing by Signs: Poetics of Implication in Colonial New England Culture (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1998), 181–83, and David D. Hall, Worlds of Wonder, Days of Judgment: Popular Religious Belief in Early New England (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989).
17. Cotton Mather, The Christian Philosopher, ed. Winton U. Solberg (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1994), 72. See also James Campbell, Recovering Benjamin Franklin: An Exploration of a Life of Science and Service (Peru, Ill.: Carus, 1999), 64.
18. John Adams quoted in I. Bernard Cohen, Benjamin Franklin’s Science (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), 153. On debates about conductors, see Cohen, 118–58, and Delbourgo, Most Amazing Scene, 50–86.
19. On the significance of Priestley’s publication for the historiography of electricity, see Simon Schaffer, “The Consuming Flame: Electrical Showmen and Tory Mystics in the World of Goods,” in Consumption and the World of Goods, ed. John Brewer and Roy Porter (London: Routledge, 1993), 512–15.
20. See Schaffer, “Consuming Flame,” 512–15.
21. William Law, Appeal to All that Doubt, or Disbelieve, the Truths of the Gospel (London: printed for W. Innys, 1742), 163. The same passage is quoted in John Freke, An Essay to Shew the Cause of Electricity (London: printed from W. Innys, 1746), 14, and Schaffer, “Consuming Flame,” 502.
22. On Freke’s enthusiasm, see Schaffer, “Consuming Flame,” 502–4. On the history of enthusiasm generally in early modern Europe, see Michael Heyd, “Be Sober and Reasonable”: The Critique of Enthusiasm in the Seventeenth and Early Eighteenth Centuries (New York: Brill, 1995). On the significance of “exercised bodies” in the revivals of the Great Awakening, see Douglas L. Winiarski, Darkness Falls on the Land of Light: Experiencing Religious Awakenings in Eighteenth-Century New England (Chapel Hill: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture and University of North Carolina Press, 2017).
23. Gilbert Tennent, The Danger of an Unconverted Ministry (Philadelphia: printed by Benjamin Franklin, 1740), 9, 10. On the significance of Tennent’s sermon, see Thomas S. Kidd, The Great Awakening: The Roots of Evangelical Christianity in Colonial America (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2007), 55–67; and Coalter, Gilbert Tennent, 64–67.
24. Richard Webster, A History of the Presbyterian Church in America (Philadelphia: Joseph M. Wilson, 1857), 471. Also see J. A. Leo Lemay, Ebenezer Kinnersley: Franklin’s Friend (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964), 19–20, and Nina Reid-Maroney, Philadelphia’s Enlightenment, 1740–1800: Kingdom of Christ, Empire of Reason (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 2001), 52–53.
25. Ebenezer Kinnersley, Pennsylvania Gazette, July 24, 1740, as quoted in Kidd, The Great Awakening, 66, and Lemay, Ebenezer Kinnersley, 20.
26. On Kinnersley’s lectures see Lemay, Ebenezer Kinnersley, 62–87, and Reid-Maroney, Philadelphia’s Enlightenment, 56–60.
27. On the Venus Electrificata see Delbourgo, Most Amazing Scene, 115–19. It is important to note that experimentalists could themselves be charged with enthusiasm (see Heyd, Be Sober and Reasonable, 144–64).
28. Franklin was the publisher of Whitefield’s sermons and journals. On the friendship and collaboration between Franklin and Whitefield, see Frank Lambert, “Subscribing for Profits and Piety: The Friendship of Benjamin Franklin and George Whitefield,” The William and Mary Quarterly 50, no. 3 (July 1993): 529–54.
29. On the ringing of church bells, see Cohen, Benjamin Franklin’s Science, 119–25.
30. The experiment with the bells and cork balls is mentioned in the letter of April 18, 1754 (Franklin, New Experiments and Observations, 128–29).
31. Franklin quoted in Cohen, Benjamin Franklin’s Science, 90. See also Delbourgo, Most Amazing Scene, 60.
32. J. A. Leo Lemay, Life of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 3, Soldier, Scientist, and Politician, 1748–1757 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), 129; Joyce E. Chaplin, The First Scientific American: Benjamin Franklin and the Pursuit of Genius (New York: Basic, 2006), 138.
33. Fortune and Warner, Franklin & His Friends, 74.
34. Joseph Priestley, History and Present State of Electricity (1775), as quoted in Simon Schaffer, “Natural Philosophy and Public Spectacle in the Eighteenth Century,” History of Science 21 (1983): 8.
35. Benjamin Franklin, Experiments and Observations on Electricity (London: E. Cave, 1751), 59–62.
36. Kinnersley, “Notice is hereby given.”
37. William Watson, Expériences et observations pour servir à l’explication de la nature et des propriétés de l’éctricité (Paris: Sebastien Jorry, 1748), 140. On Watson’s place in the London electrical community, see Schaffer, “Consuming Flame,” 496–99.
38. Priestley quoted in Schaffer, “Natural Philosophy and Public Spectacle,” 8.
39. Franklin, Experiments and Observations, 60.
40. Pieter van Musschenbroek, Letter to René-Antoine Réamur of January 20, 1746, as quoted in J. L. Heilbron, Electricity in the 17th and 18th Centuries: A Study of Early Modern Physics (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 313.
41. William Watson, “A Sequel to the Experiments and Observations Tending to Illustrate the Nature and Properties of Electricity,” Philosophical Transactions 44 (1746–1747): 715–16.
42. See Delbourgo, Most Amazing Scene, 14–15, 60.
43. This is true of the original painting, although Fisher’s mezzotint does show Franklin’s writing on the sheet.
44. Pliny, Natural History, vol. 9, Books 33–35, trans. H. Rackham, Loeb Classical Library 394 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952), 333.
45. Erwin Panofsky, “Erasmus and the Visual Arts,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 32 (1969): 225.
46. Immanuel Kant, Critique of the Power of Judgment, ed. Paul Guyer, trans. Paul Guyer and Eric Matthews (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 144.
47. On Warburg’s misinterpretation of the Hopi dances, see David Freedberg, “Warburg’s Mask: A Study in Idolatry,” in Anthropologies of Art, ed. Mariet Westermann (Williamstown, Mass.: Clark Institute, 2005), 3–25. On Warburg’s mythic thought, see Joseph Mali, Mythistory: The Making of a Modern Historiography (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003), 133–86.
48. Aby M. Warburg, Images from the Region of the Pueblo Indians of North America, trans. Michael P. Steinberg (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995), 51.
49. Warburg, Images, 50. Warburg mentions Franklin in the company of the Wright brothers, “the modern Icarus” (Warburg, 54).
50. Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Stephen Kalberg (Los Angeles: Roxbury, 2002), 14–18.
51. Warburg, Images, 53.
52. Warburg, Images, 17.
53. Smith’s original mezzotint of 1714 showed George II as Prince of Wales. A crown was later added after he became king, and the print was often copied and reissued.
54. Franklin, Experiments and Observations, 27.
55. My brief account of Vaucanson’s automaton relies on Jessica Riskin’s discerning interpretation in “The Defecating Duck, or, The Ambiguous Origins of Artificial Life,” Critical Inquiry 29, no. 4 (Summer 2003): 599–633. Voltaire is quoted in Riskin, 601. On the question of the authenticity of the duck’s digestion, also see d’Alembert’s entry on “Automaton” in the Encyclopédie, which notes of Vaucanson’s duck that “the inventor does not pretend that this digestion is perfect, capable of producing blood and nutritional fluids to sustain the animal, and it would be churlish to criticize him for it” (Jean-Baptiste le Rond d’Alembert, “Automaton,” in The Encyclopedia of Diderot & d’Alembert Collaborative Translation Project, trans. Nelly S. Hoyt and Thomas Cassirer [Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Library, 2003], hdl.handle.net/2027/spo.did2222.0000.140; originally published as “Automate,” Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des métiers, vol. 1 [Paris, 1751], 896–97).
56. Wendy Bellion, Citizen Spectator: Art, Illusion, and Visual Perception in Early National America (Chapel Hill: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture and University of North Carolina Press, 2011). On the politics of Enlightenment entertainments, also see Delbourgo, Most Amazing Scene, 129–64, and Barbara Marie Stafford, Artful Science: Enlightenment Entertainment and the Eclipse of Visual Education (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1996).
57. On the Staircase Group, see Bellion, Citizen Spectator, 63–111.
58. Franklin, Experiments and Observations, 28.
59. The most important of these early merchant accounts is Willem Bosman, A New and Accurate Description of the Coast of Guinea (London: printed for James Knapton, 1705). Bosman’s text was first published in Dutch in 1703. On the development of the fetish in the early modern Atlantic, see the three essential articles by William Pietz: “The Problem of the Fetish, I,” Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 9 (Spring 1985): 5–17; “The Problem of the Fetish, II: The Origin of the Fetish,” Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 13 (Spring 1987): 23–45; and “The Problem of the Fetish, IIIa: Bosman’s Guinea and the Enlightenment Theory of Fetishism,” Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics 16 (Autumn 1988): 105–24. Also see W. J. T. Mitchell, What Do Pictures Want?: The Lives and Loves of Images (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), 145–68, 188–96.
60. Charles de Brosses, “On the Worship of the Fetish Gods: Or, A Parallel of the Ancient Religion of Egypt with the Present Religion of Nigritia,” trans. Rosalind C. Morris and Daniel H. Leonard in The Returns of Fetishism: Charles de Brosses and the Afterlives of an Idea (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2017), 45. See also Rosalind C. Morris, “After de Brosses: Fetishism, Translation, Comparativism, Critique,” in Morris and Leonard, 133–319.
61. Charles Blount, The Miscellaneous Works (London, 1695), 6. On imposture theory and anticlericalism in Enlightenment thought, see Peter Harrison, “Religion” and the Religions in the English Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), and S. J. Barnett, Idol Temples and Crafty Priests: The Origins of Enlightenment Anticlericalism (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1999).
62. See Bernard Le Bovier de Fontenelle, The History of Oracles and the Cheats of the Pagan Priests (London, 1688). On Fontenelle’s Histoire des oracles, and on the Enlightenment critique of oracles more generally, see Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things: Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 78–101, and Jonathan I. Israel, Radical Enlightenment: Philosophy and the Making of Modernity, 1650–1750 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 359–74.
63. On Pinchbeck’s “acoustic temple,” see Schmidt, Hearing Things, 78–81, and Bellion, Citizen Spectator, 247–50.
64. Franklin, Experiments and Observations, 28.
65. T. H. Breen, “An Empire of Goods: The Anglicanization of Colonial America, 1690–1776,” Journal of British Studies 25, no. 4 (October 1986): 467–99.
66. R. T. Haines Halsey, “Early Engravings in Colonial Houses,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 19, no. 8 (August 1924): 198. On the popularity of imported engravings in the colonies also see Peter John Vivian Moore, “British Graphic Art, 1660–1735: An Atlantic Perspective” (PhD diss., York University, 2013). Moore stresses the importance of an Atlantic framework for understanding the popularity of the “British print.”
67. On mezzotints and lacquered furniture, see Halsey, “Early Engravings,” 200. On “painting on glass,” see Moore, “British Graphic Art,” 233, and Ann Massing, “From Print to Painting: The Technique of Glass Transfer Painting,” Print Quarterly 6, no. 4 (December 1989): 383–93.
68. See David Alexander, “The Dublin Group: Irish Mezzotint Engravers in London, 1750–1775,” Quarterly Bulletin of the Irish Georgian Society 16, no. 3 (July–September 1973): 72–93.
69. See Tim Clayton, “‘Figures of Fame’: Reynolds and the Printed Image,” in Joshua Reynolds: The Creation of Celebrity, ed. Martin Postle (London: Tate, 2005), 49–59.
70. James Chelsum, A History of the Art of Engraving in Mezzotinto, from its Origin to the Present Times (Winchester: printed by J. Robbins, 1786), 4.
71. Joseph Roach, It (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2007), 3.
72. See Warner, “Portrait Prints,” 27–28.
73. Benjamin Franklin, Letter to Thomas-François Dalibard of September 22, 1769, in The Papers of Benjamin Franklin, vol. 16, ed. William B. Willcox (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1972), 205.
4. At the Mouth of the Cave
1. Alois Riegl, “Die Stimmung als Inhalt der modernen Kunst,” in Die Graphischen Künste, ed. Friedrich Dörnhöffer and Karl Masner (Vienna: Gesellschaft für Vervielfältigende Kunst, 1899), 47–48.
2. On Riegl’s concept of Stimmung, see Moshe Barasch, Theories of Art 3: From Impressionism to Kandinsky (New York: Routledge, 2000), 155–60.
3. Riegl, “Die Stimmung,” 54.
4. G. W. F. Hegel, Aesthetics: Lectures on Fine Art, vol. 1, trans. T. M. Knox (Oxford: Clarendon, 1975), 11.
5. For some recent reflections on the complexity of Hegel’s statement, see Hans Belting, The End of the History of Art?, trans. Christopher S. Wood (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); Georges Didi-Huberman, Confronting Images: Questioning the Ends of a Certain History of Art, trans. John Goodman (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2005), 47–52; and Giorgio Agamben, The Man Without Content, trans. Georgia Albert (Stanford. Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1999), 52–58. As for Riegl, the dialectical relationship between Nahsicht and Fernsicht cannot be fully explained as a developmental history, since the concepts are tied to human perceptual faculties (vision and touch) that are not primarily historical. The relationship between the two becomes increasingly complex in Riegl’s later work. See Margaret Iverson, Alois Riegl: Art History and Theory (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1993), 10–14. On Riegl’s difficult relationship to historicism, also see Diane Reynolds Cordileone, “The Advantages and Disadvantages of Art History to Life: Alois Riegl and Historicism,” Journal of Art Historiography 3 (December 2010), arthistoriography.files.wordpress.com/2011/02/media_183170_en.pdf.
6. Bryan Jay Wolf, Romantic Re-Vision: Culture and Consciousness in Nineteenth-Century American Painting and Literature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 195.
7. Alan Wallach, “The Word from Yale,” Art History 10, no. 2 (June 1987): 256–57.
8. See, for example, Angela Miller, The Empire of the Eye: Landscape Representation and American Cultural Politics, 1825–1875 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press), 1993; Alan Wallach, “Making a Picture of the View from Mount Holyoke,” in American Iconology: New Approaches to Nineteenth-century Art and Literature, ed. David C. Miller (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 80–91; Alan Wallach, “Wadsworth’s Tower: An Episode in the History of American Landscape Vision,” American Art 10, no. 3 (Autumn 1996): 8–27; Kenneth Myers, The Catskills: Painters, Writers, and Tourists in the Mountains, 1820–1895 (Yonkers, N.Y.: Hudson River Museum of Westchester, 1988); Myers, “Art and Commerce in Jacksonian America: The Steamboat Albany Collection,” Art Bulletin 82, no. 3 (September 2000): 503–28; Rebecca Bedell, The Anatomy of Nature: Geology and American Landscape Painting, 1825–1875 (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 2001); and David Bjelajac, “Thomas Cole’s Oxbow and the American Zion Divided,” American Art 20, no. 1 (Spring 2006): 61–83.
9. See Thomas Cole: Landscape into History, ed. William H. Truettner and Alan Wallach (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1994). The book’s subtitle is, of course, a response to Kenneth Clark’s Landscape into Art (London: J. Murray, 1949).
10. Reprinted in Ellwood C. Parry III, The Art of Thomas Cole: Ambition and Imagination (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1988), 25–26.
11. Thomas Cole, Letter to Daniel Wadsworth of November 20, 1826, in The Correspondence of Thomas Cole and Daniel Wadsworth, ed. J. Bard McNulty (Hartford: Connecticut Historical Society, 1983), 4. The painting was later engraved and published in John Howard Hinton, The History and Topography of the United States, vol. 2 (London: Simpkin & Marshall, 1832).
12. James Fenimore Cooper, The Pioneers (New York: Bantam, 1993), 374.
13. See Edward S. Casey, Representing Place: Landscape Painting and Maps (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 56–73. Myers has also emphasized the participatory aspect of Cole’s Kaaterskill Falls, contrasting the painting to Cole’s picturesque Lake with Dead Trees (1825), which Myers interprets as its pendant: “Kaaterskill Falls denies the viewer this kind of physical and interpretive distance in order to draw him or her into a less mediated encounter with the scene” (Catskills, 44).
14. Historians of American art began telling Trumbull’s discovery story during Cole’s own lifetime. The same day he purchased the original canvas of Kaaterskill Falls, Trumbull showed Cole’s landscapes to the playwright and historian William Dunlap, who purchased one for himself. It was Dunlap, writing under the pseudonym “American,” who authored the original New-York Evening Post article and nine years later retold that story in his History of the Rise and Progress of the Arts of Design in the United States, ed. Alexander Wyckoff, vol. 3 (New York: George F. Scott, 1965), 149–50.
15. Myers reads the Indian standing on the cliff as he reads the falls themselves, as elements through which “the individual momentarily forgets his or her apartness from the observed scene and experiences it as if directly” (Catskills, 44). While I largely agree with Myers’s compelling interpretation of the painting, I would also qualify it by arguing that the Indian invites an optical identification that stands in contrast to, or rather as a sublimation of, the fuller sensory involvement that Cole invites in the foreground.
16. Cooper, Pioneers, 374. The platform at the top of the falls was built sometime between 1823 and 1825, when Cole made a sketch of Kaaterskill Falls that includes it (Myers, Catskills, 42 and 83n56, and Tracie Felker, “First Impressions: Thomas Cole’s Drawings of His 1825 Trip up the Hudson River,” The American Art Journal 24, no. 1/2 : 76).
17. Thomas Cole, The Collected Essays and Prose Sketches, ed. Marshall Tymn (St. Paul, Minn.: John Colet Press, 1980), 3.
18. Cole, Collected Essays and Prose Sketches, 12.
19. For the allegory of the cave, see Plato, Republic 514a–517a, trans. G. M. A. Grube, rev. C. D. C. Reeve (Indianapolis, Ind.: Hackett, 1992). For a recent consideration of the links between the figure of the cave and image-making, see Mark A. Cheetham and Elizabeth D. Harvey, “Obscure Imaginings: Visual Culture and the Anatomy of Caves,” Journal of Visual Culture 1, no. 1 (April 2002): 105–26. For a discussion of the figure of the cave in American romantic literature, see Clark Griffith, “Caves and Cave Dwellers: The Study of a Romantic Image,” Journal of English and Germanic Philology 62, no. 3 (July 1963): 551–68.
20. Cole, Collected Essays and Prose Sketches, 101.
21. See Louis Legrand Noble, The Life and Works of Thomas Cole, ed. Elliot S. Vesell (Hensonville, N.Y.: Black Dome, 1997), 214.
22. Thomas Cole, Letter to Daniel Wadsworth of April 23, 1828, in McNulty, Correspondence of Thomas Cole and Daniel Wadsworth, 38.
23. On Wall’s view, see John K. Howat, “A Picturesque Site in the Catskills: The Kaaterskill Falls as Painted by William Guy Wall,” Honolulu Academy of Arts Journal 1 (1974): 16–29.
24. Cole as quoted in Noble, Life and Works of Thomas Cole, 259.
25. One finds a persistent doubling back between sound and sight throughout Cole’s work, as exemplified in a journal entry of 1834 describing an idea for a piano that “might be constructed by which color could be played” (Noble, Life and Words of Thomas Cole, 141). While one could attribute Cole’s idea to a general romantic interest in synaesthesia, it nevertheless speaks to his refusal to dissociate vision from other forms of bodily experience. On the history of the “ocular harpsichord,” see Thomas L. Hankins and Robert J. Silverman, Instruments and the Imagination (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995), 72–85.
26. Another early painting by Cole that shares this composition is The Subsiding of the Waters of the Deluge (1829, National Museum of American Art), which corresponds closely in its structure to the drawing of Elijah at the Mouth of the Cave.
27. 1 Kings 19:13, in The Bible: Authorized King James Version, ed. Robert Carroll and Stephen Pricket (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 439.
28. Cole, Collected Essays and Prose Sketches, 12.
29. See Michel de Certeau, “Quotations of Voices,” in The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Rendall (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), 154–64.
30. Some scholars have already observed links between the clamor of Cole’s art and the clamor of revivalism. Bryan Wolf, for example, notes that Cole’s The Bewilderment echoes in its “language of bewilderment and release the rhetoric of contemporary revivalist sermons” (Romantic Re-Vision, 219), while Barbara Novak has observed how the operatic qualities of certain nineteenth-century American landscapes remind one “of the noisy conversions of the evangelical revival especially prominent in the upstate New York area that spawned so many Hudson River painters: shouting, biting, groaning, etc.” (Nature and Culture: American Landscape and Painting, 1825–1875, 3rd ed. [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007], 32).
31. The sketchbook is housed in the New York State Library, Albany (Thomas Cole Papers, VC10635), but the list of paintings has been published in Annual II / Baltimore Museum of Art: Studies on Thomas Cole, An American Romanticist, 1967, 82–100.
32. An important early account of the revivals in the “western country” is Theophilus Armenius, “Account of the Rise and Progress of the Work of God in the Western Country,” The Methodist Magazine 2 (1819): 184–87, 221–24, 272–74, 304–8, 349–53, 393–96, 434–39.
33. See Nathan O. Hatch, The Democratization of American Christianity (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1989).
34. George Whitefield, Some Remarks on a Pamphlet, Entituled The Enthusiasm of Methodists and Papists Compar’d (Philadelphia: W. Bradford, 1749), 10.
35. On Wesley and Whitefield as field preachers, see Ian Maddock, Men of One Book: A Comparison of Two Methodist Preachers, John Wesley and George Whitefield (Cambridge: Lutterworth, 2012), 36–69.
36. On the origins of the camp meeting, see Charles A. Johnson, The Frontier Camp Meeting: Religion’s Harvest Time (Dallas, Tex.: Southern Methodist University Press, 1955).
37. On the Great Awakening as a transatlantic mobilization of the common people, see Peter Linebaugh and Marcus Rediker, The Many-Headed Hydra: Sailors, Slaves, Commoners, and the Hidden History of the Revolutionary Atlantic (Boston: Beacon, 2000), 190–93. On the translatlantic aspects of revivalism, also see Richard Carwardine, Transatlantic Revivalism: Popular Evangelicalism in Britain and America, 1790–1865 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1978).
38. On revivalism as an antimarket force in the early republic, see Charles Sellers, The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America, 1815–1846 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). On English Methodism as a disciplinary and regressive social force, see E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class, rev. ed. (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin, 1980). For a counter to Thompson that emphasizes the flexible and adaptable nature of the Methodist revivals, see David Hempton, The Religion of the People: Methodism and Popular Religion, c. 1750–1900 (London: Routledge, 1996). On the democratizing impulse in the revivals, see Hatch, Democratization of American Christianity.
39. On antirevivalism, see Antirevivalism in Antebellum America: A Collection of Religious Voices, ed. James D. Bratt (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2006).
40. See J. Musgrave, Origin of Methodism in Bolton (Bolton, Mass.: printed by H. Bradbury, 1865).
41. Noble, Life and Works of Thomas Cole, 5.
42. Camp meetings were regularly held in the vicinity of Cole’s home in Steubenville, Ohio, as is apparent in the journal of Francis Asbury (1745–1816), first bishop of the American Methodist Church, who stopped regularly at Steubenville during his annual journeys along the Ohio River between 1803 and 1815. See Francis Asbury, The Heart of Asbury’s Journal, ed. Ezra Squier Tipple (New York: Eaton & Mains, 1904), 642, 694. One of the oldest continuous camp meetings in the United States, which began in 1818, is at Hollow Rock, less the twenty miles north of Steubenville (Eleanor L. Smith, Hollow Rock: A History, 2nd ed. [Toronto, Ohio: Hollow Rock Camp Meeting, 2011]).
43. Cole made his first trip to the Adirondacks in 1826, which inspired his Scene from “Last of the Mohicans” (1827; Wadsworth Atheneum). His first trip to Niagara Falls, in 1829, resulted in his Distant View of Niagara Falls (1830; Art Institute of Chicago); see John H. Conlin, “Thomas Cole in Western New York,” Western New York Heritage 10, no. 3 (Fall 2007): 46–48. On the burned-over district, see Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1950).
44. J. Milbert, Picturesque Itinerary of the Hudson River and the Peripheral Parts of North America, trans. Constance D. Sherman (Ridgweood, N.J.: Gregg Press, 1968), 59. On Milbert’s travels, see Constance D. Sherman, “A French Explorer in the Hudson River Valley,” The New-York Historical Society Quarterly 45, no. 3 (July 1961): 255–80. For another picturesque view of a camp meeting similar in composition to Cole’s, see the lithograph Sacramental Scene in a Western Forest, in Joseph Smith, Old Redstone, or, Historical Sketches of Western Presbyterianism (Philadelphia: Lippincott and Grambo, 1854).
45. Frances Trollope, Domestic Manners of the Americans, ed. Donald Smalley (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1949), 171–72. Trollope travelled in America from 1827 to 1831 and published Domestic Manners of the Americans in 1832.
46. Trollope, Domestic Manners, 168.
47. Frederick Marryat, A Diary in America, With Remarks on Its Institutions, ed. Sydney Jackman (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962), 239–43.
48. For a recent consideration of Cole’s suspicion of the mob in relation to The Course of Empire: Destruction (1836), see Ross Barrett, “Violent Prophecies: Thomas Cole, Republican Aesthetics, and the Political Jeremiad,” American Art 27, no. 1 (Spring 2013): 25–49.
49. Cole, Collected Essays and Prose Sketches, 5.
50. Bjelajac has similarly linked Cole’s St. John in the Wilderness to contemporary revivalist scenes like Rider’s; see David Bjelajac, American Art: A Cultural History (New York: Abrams, 2001), 194.
51. Charles Grandison Finney, Sermons on Important Subjects, 3rd ed. (New York: John S. Taylor, 1836), 21.
52. Edmund Burke himself had made this connection in the “Sound and Loudness” section of his Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, ed. Adam Phillips (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), 75–76.
53. James B. Finley, Autobiography of Rev. James B. Finley, or, Pioneer Life in the West, ed. W. P. Strickland (Cincinnati, Ohio: Cranston and Curts, 1853), 166. David E. Nye discusses the relationship between the sublime and religious revivals in nineteenth-century America in American Technological Sublime (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1994), 28–29.
54. F. A. Cox and J. Hoby, The Baptists in America; A Narrative of the Deputation from the Baptist Union in England, to the United States and Canada (New York: Leavitt and Lord, 1836), 208–9.
55. On the importance of landscape for the evangelical movement and its relevance to Cole’s art, see Jerome Tharaud, “Evangelical Space: The Oxbow, Religious Print, and the Moral Landscape in America,” American Art 28, no. 3 (Fall 2014): 52–75.
56. Samuel H. Monk, The Sublime: A Study of Critical Theories in XVIII-Century England (New York: Modern Language Association of America, 1935), 235.
57. Perry Miller, Nature’s Nation (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1967), 153. For a recent analysis of the transcendentalists’ appeal to nature in relation to antebellum class conflict, see Lance Newman, Our Common Dwelling: Henry Thoreau, Transcendentalism, and the Class Politics of Nature (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005).
58. See Eric Schmidt, Hearing Things: Religion, Illusion, and the American Enlightenment (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2000), 66–69.
59. Miller, Nature’s Nation, 84.
60. Alan Wallach, “Thomas Cole and the Aristocracy,” in Reading American Art, ed. Marianne Doezema and Elizabeth Milroy (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1998), 102. On Cole and the dissenting tradition, see Alan Peter Wallach, “The Ideal American Artist and the Dissenting Tradition: A Study of Thomas Cole’s Popular Reputation” (PhD diss., Columbia University, 1973), 98–189.
61. Mark Noll makes these distinctions within the evangelical movement in terms of “formalists” and “antiformalists” (America’s God: From Jonathan Edwards to Abraham Lincoln [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002], 175–76). For a discussion of the revivalist movement in relation to Cole, see Christine Stansell and Sean Wilentz, “Cole’s America: An Introduction,” in Truettner and Wallach, Thomas Cole, 11–12.
62. Wallach, “Thomas Cole and the Aristocracy,” 82–84.
63. Alan Wallach, “Thomas Cole: Landscape and the Course of American Empire,” in Truettner and Wallach, Thomas Cole, 42; Angela Miller, “Thomas Cole and Jacksonian America: The Course of Empire as Political Allegory,” Prospects 14 (October 1989): 75–76. For a recent survey of the transatlantic context that shaped Cole’s critical attitude toward Jacksonian America, see Tim Barringer, “Thomas Cole’s Atlantic Crossings,” in Elizabeth Mankin Kornhauser and Tim Barringer, Thomas Cole’s Journey: Atlantic Crossings (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2018), 19–61.
64. Thomas Cole, Journal entry for November 6, 1834, in The Collected Essays and Prose Sketches, 124; and see Miller, “Thomas Cole and Jacksonian America,” 76.
65. See Russ Patrick Reeves, “Countering Revivalism and Revitalizing Protestantism: High Church, Confessional, and Romantic Critiques of Second Great Awakening Revivalism, 1835 to 1852” (PhD diss., University of Iowa, 2005), 100–105.
66. Cole’s involvement in St. Luke’s included designing a new church after the old one burned down in 1839, and also painting a trompe l’oeil window in the new church (Parry, Art of Thomas Cole, 242–43). Cole’s increasing involvement with high-church Episcopalianism is also suggested by his contributions in 1846 to discussions on art in the high-church Episcopal weekly, The Churchman. For the Noble quote see Life and Works of Thomas Cole, 33–34.
67. The painting was commissioned by Jonathan Sturges as a gift for Bryant, in appreciation of his eulogy (Barbara Ball Buff, “Kindred Spirits, 1849,” in American Paradise: The World of the Hudson River School, ed. John K. Howat [New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1987], 108–10). On the painting, also see Linda S. Ferber, “Asher B. Durand, American Landscape Painter,” in Kindred Spirits: Asher B. Durand and the American Landscape, ed. Linda S. Ferber (New York: Brooklyn Museum, 2007), 158–61.
68. William Cullen Bryant, Funeral Oration, Occasioned by the Death of Thomas Cole (New York: D. Appleton, 1848), 26. On Bryant, Cole, and the sister arts, see Donald Ringe, “Kindred Spirits: Bryant and Cole,” American Quarterly 6, no. 3 (Autum 1954): 233–44.
69. On the relation of Durand’s Kindred Spirits to Cole’s early sublime landscapes, see Bryan Wolf, “All the World’s a Code: Art and Ideology in Nineteenth-Century American Painting,” Art Journal 44, no. 4 (Winter 1984): 328–30.
5. Dancing for the Kinetograph
1. For an account of the opening at 1155 Broadway, see Gordon Hendricks, The Kinetoscope: America’s First Commercially Successful Motion Picture Exhibitor (New York: Beginnings of the American Film, 1966), 56–60. On the early history and commercial exploitation of the kinetoscope, also see Dickson and Dickson, History of the Kinetograph (1895); Ray Phillips, Edison’s Kinetoscope and Its Films: A History to 1896 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood, 1997); and Charles Musser, Before the Nickelodeon: Edwin S. Porter and the Edison Manufacturing Company (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
2. Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, 50; Charles Musser, Edison Motion Pictures, 1890–1900: An Annotated Filmography (Gemona del Friuli, Italy: Le Giornate del Cinema Muto, 1997), 125–29; Sandra K. Sagala, Buffalo Bill on the Silver Screen: The Films of William F. Cody (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2013), 19–21. For descriptions of the events at the Black Maria, as well as the names of all those present, see “Dancing for the Kinetograph,” The Sun (New York), September 25, 1894; “Red Men Again Conquered,” New York Herald, September 25, 1894; “War Dances Before It,” The New York Press, September 25, 1894; and “Before the Kinetograph,” Newark Daily Advertiser, September 24, 1894, repr. in Musser, Edison Motion Pictures, 128.
3. Niagara had not yet been filmed in 1895, but this was clearly planned. By the time the 1900 Edison Films catalog was published, there were twelve films in its “waterfalls” series, including several Niagara subjects, as well as Kaaterskill Falls (titled “Waterfall in the Catskills” in the catalog); see Edison Films: Complete Catalogue, no. 94 (March 1900): 47–48. Although the dances filmed by Dickson were not performed before a mountainous landscape and Indian village, as in the title page scene, these background elements do reproduce the scenery of the Wild West show’s canvas backdrops, in front of which dances were performed for audiences in the grandstands (L. G. Moses, Wild West Shows and the Images of American Indians, 1883–1933 [Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996], 34–35).
4. “War Dances Before It.”
5. The boys are Johnny Burke No Neck and Seven Up, and according to an article in The Chicago Tribune that was published when the Indians employed by Buffalo Bill were passing through on their way to Brooklyn, they were ten and eight years old, respectively, in May 1894 (“For Bill’s Big Show,” The Chicago Tribune, May 4, 1894).
6. Tom Gunning, “The Cinema of Attraction: Early Film, Its Spectator, and the Avant-Garde,” Wide Angle 8, no. 3 (1986): 63–70.
7. “Red Men Again Conquered.”
8. Warburg, Images from the Region of the Pueblo Indians, 53.
9. “Red Men Again Conquered.”
10. Ralph E. Friar and Natasha A. Friar, The Only Good Indian: The Hollywood Gospel (New York: Drama Book Specialists, 1972), 70. On the persistence of the Hollywood Indian, also see John E. O’Connor, The Hollywood Indian: Stereotypes of Native Americans in Films (Trenton: New Jersey State Museum, 1980), and Hollywood’s Indian: The Portrayal of the Native American in Film, ed. Peter C. Rollins and John E. O’Connor (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2011).
11. Edison quoted in George M. Smith, “Edison’s Latest Invention,” The Saint Paul Daily Globe, April 8, 1894, 18.
12. “Red Men Again Conquered.”
13. On press coverage, see Christina Klein, “‘Everything of Interest in the Late Pine Ridge War Are Held by Us for Sale’: Popular Culture and Wounded Knee,” The Western Historical Quarterly 25, no. 1 (Spring 1994): 45–68, and Rani-Henrik Andersson, The Lakota Ghost Dance of 1890 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2008), 192–250.
14. There seems to be some confusion about the film titles in recent scholarship. Musser (Edison Motion Pictures, 125–26) identifies the war dance as Sioux Ghost Dance and the other as Buffalo Dance, and these are the titles under which the two films are now generally known. However, the title Buffalo Dance does not appear in early film catalogs; the earliest use of that title appears to be Hendricks’s 1966 The Kinetoscope. The only title under which either film could have been sold is Sioux Ghost Dance, and as far as I have been able to determine, there is no evidence that allows us to say definitively which film that was.
15. James Mooney, The Ghost-Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), 777, 780–81. The scholarly literature on the Ghost dance is extensive. I have relied in particular on Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion; Raymond J. DeMallie, “The Lakota Ghost Dance: An Ethnohistorical Account,” The Pacific Historical Review 51, no. 4 (November 1982): 385–405; Andersson, Lakota Ghost Dance; and Sam A. Maddra, Hostiles?: The Lakota Ghost Dance and Buffalo Bill’s Wild West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006).
16. See Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, Plate CIX, and Evan M. Maurer, Visions of the People: A Pictorial History of Plains Indian Life (Minneapolis: Minneapolis Institute of Arts, 1992), 168–69.
17. On the integration of the Ghost Dance with traditional Lakota religion, see DeMallie, “Lakota Ghost Dance.”
18. Recent scholarship has discredited the long-held view that the Ghost Dance was given a militaristic cast among the Lakota (DeMallie, “Lakota Ghost Dance,” and Maddra, Hostiles?, 27–44).
19. See Maddra, Hostiles?, 132–33. He was named after John M. Burke, the general manager of Buffalo Bill’s Wild West, and Chief No Neck, a regular performer in the show.
20. On the banning of weapons during the dance, see Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, 788. Andersson also argues that there “is no evidence that the Lakotas carried arms during the ghost dance ceremonies” (Lakota Ghost Dance, 65). The program for the Wild West show states explicitly that the music for the Ghost Dance was not accompanied by a drum (Buffalo Bill’s Wild West and Congress of Rough Riders of the World: Historical Sketches & Programme (1894) [New York: Fless & Ridge, 1894], 40).
21. Catalogue: Edison and International Photographic Films (New York: Maguire and Baucus, April 1897), 8.
22. “Before the Kinetograph;” “War Dances Before It.”
23. “Indians Ready to Fight,” The New York Times, November 22, 1890.
24. “Short Bull’s Narrative (Dictated c. 1906),” in Maddra, Hostiles?, 208.
25. General Nelson A. Miles, quoted in Moses, Wild West Shows, 110. On the release of the Fort Sheridan Ghost Dancers to Cody, also see Maddra, Hostiles?, 57–62.
26. Cody had originally been summoned to Pine Ridge by General Miles (also pictured in the poster), and a photograph from January 1891 showing Cody and Miles on horseback viewing a “hostile Indian camp” is likely the source for the poster (Denver Public Library, Salsbury collection, Buffalo Bill’s Wild West Show, NS-56).
27. Andersson, Lakota Ghost Dance, 249–50.
28. Lieutenant Marion P. Maus, “The New Indian Messiah,” Harper’s Weekly 34, no. 1772 (December 6, 1890): 947.
29. Historical Sketches & Programme (1894), 39–40. Cody refers to Wounded Knee as “an unlooked-for accident” on 48. On the program’s refusal to pronounce on the meaning of the Ghost Dance, see Louis S. Warren, Buffalo Bill’s America: William Cody and the Wild West Show (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), 384–85.
30. Buffalo Bill’s Wild West and Congress of Rough Riders of the World: Historical Sketches & Programme (1893) (Chicago: The Blakely Printing Company, 1893), 44. On the source material for the program, see Karen A. Bearor, “The Illustrated American and the Lakota Ghost Dance,” American Periodicals: A Journal of History & Criticism 21, no. 2 (2011): 143–63.
31. Maddra, Hostiles?, 131. Cody did ultimately enact Wounded Knee, but on the screen rather than in the Wild West show. The Indian Wars, filmed in 1913, included a reenactment of the “battle” on site, which proved controversial. Only about two minutes of the film survive, and these do not include the Wounded Knee episode. See Andrea I. Paul, “Buffalo Bill and Wounded Knee: The Movie,” Nebraska History 71 (Winter 1990): 182–90, and Sagala, Buffalo Bill on the Silver Screen.
32. See Maddra, Hostiles?.
33. Alain Michaud, Aby Warburg and the Image in Motion, trans. Sophie Hawkes (New York: Zone, 2004), 62–66. Alison Griffiths also emphasizes the importance of the displacement of the dancers from their original context in the Wild West show, as well as their “provocative visual address to the spectator” (Wondrous Difference: Cinema, Anthropology, & Turn-of-the-Century Visual Culture [New York: Columbia University Press, 2002], 174–76).
34. Dickson and Dickson, History of the Kinetograph, 16.
35. Most kinetoscopes were installed in phonograph parlors. See Altman, Silent Film Sound (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 80.
36. Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, 29.
37. Dickson and Dickson, History of the Kinetograph, 18.
38. On this film and recent efforts to restore synchronization, see Patrick Loughney, “Domitor Witnesses the First Complete Public Presentation of the [Dickson Experimental Sound Film] in the Twentieth Century,” in The Sounds of Early Cinema, ed. Richard Abel and Rick Altman (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), 215–19.
39. Raff and Gammon, “Announcement: Reduction in Price of Kinetoscopes and Kinetophones” (1895), 1.
40. See Hendricks, Kinetoscope, 118–25; Musser, Before the Nickelodeon, 53–56; and Altman, Silent Film Sound, 78–83. James Lastra usefully complicates the meaning of “synchronization” in early film (Sound Technology and the American Cinema: Perception, Representation, Modernity [New York: Columbia University Press, 2000], 94–95), although at this earliest stage of commercial film in 1894, it is clear that Edison and Dickson were seeking point-by-point synchronization.
41. Tom Gunning, “Doing for the Eye What the Phonograph Does for the Ear,” in Abel and Altman, The Sounds of Early Cinema, 13–31.
42. See Roland Gelatt, The Fabulous Phonograph, 1877–1977 (New York: Collier, 1977), 107–9.
43. Jonathan Crary, Techniques of the Observer: On Vision and Modernity in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1990).
44. Dickson and Dickson, History of the Kinetograph, 4.
45. Dickson and Dickson, History of the Kinetograph, 4. Also see “Edison and the Kinetograph” (reprint of article that appeared in The Montreal Daily Star, April 20, 1895), Film History 11, no. 4 (1999): 404–8.
46. As Noël Burch writes, the kinetoscope’s lack of synchronous sound produced “an intolerable contradiction in the context of these aspirations to the faithful reproduction of Life” (Life to Those Shadows, trans. Ben Brewster [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990], 33).
47. Jonathan Crary, Suspensions of Perception: Attention, Spectacle, and Modern Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1999), 31–33.
48. James Mooney, Letter to John Wesley Powell of July 8, 1893, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Records, Box 109 (Letters Received 1888–1906), Folder: Mooney 1893.
49. W. J. McGee, Letter to James Mooney of July 29, 1893, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Records, Box 17 (Letterbooks), Letterbook U. The physicist was Charles K. Wead, who later published an article on “The Study of Primitive Music” in American Anthropologist, n.s., 2, no. 1 (January 1900): 75–79.
50. The twelve zinc master discs are housed in the Library of Congress (AFS 14034–14045, Archive of Folk Culture, American Folklife Center, Library of Congress). James R. Smart has proposed that Mooney sang the songs himself, but given Mooney’s concern for authenticity, it is more likely that he hired a native singer, and indeed, in the Bureau of American Ethnology Records, there is a sheet signed by Mooney with cost estimates for travel, including a request for funds “to bring back an Indian singer to procure the notation of dance and medicin songs”; Smart, “Emile Berliner and Nineteenth-Century Disc Recordings,” The Quarterly Journal of the Library of Congress 37, nos. 3–4 (Summer–Fall 1980): 431; James Mooney, “Estimates,” undated, National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Records, Box 109 (Letters Received 1888–1906), Folder: Mooney Misc. At least one of the gramophone discs strangely has “Chas. Mooney” inscribed on it. While Smart has proposed that this refers to Mooney’s brother, Charles, this cannot be the case, since Mooney did not have a brother. The most likely explanation is an error by the individual in Berliner’s studio who inscribed the disc.
51. Frans Boas, “On Alternating Sounds,” American Anthropologist 2, no. 1 (1889): 47–54. On Boas’s essay and its significance for phonographic research in turn-of-the-century American ethnography, see Brian Hochman, Savage Preservation: The Ethnographic Origins of Modern Media Technology (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2014), 87–109. On late nineteenth-century salvage ethnography and the phonograph, also see Jonathan Sterne, The Audible Past: Cultural Origins of Sound Reproduction (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2003), 311–25.
52. Lorraine Daston and Peter Galison, Objectivity (New York: Zone, 2007), 115–90. Also see Hochman, Savage Preservation, 102–3.
53. Lida Rose McCabe, “The ‘Indian Man,’” The Chicago Daily Inter-Ocean, August 20, 1893. On Mooney at the World’s Columbian Exposition, see L. G. Moses, The Indian Man: A Biography of James Mooney (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984), 74–80.
54. Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, 777.
55. Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, 654.
56. In his acknowledgements, Mooney thanks Berliner for recording and “Professors John Philip Sousa and F.W.V. Gaisberg for arranging the Indian Music” (Ghost-Dance Religion, 655).
57. Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, 657.
58. J.W. Powell, Fourteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1896), LX.
59. Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, 1065.
60. Michael Elliott, The Culture Concept: Writing and Difference in the Age of Realism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 116. Elliott argues convincingly that Mooney’s dedication to textual reproduction “makes it possible to apprehend more than the discrete data he uncovers in the texts” (117).
61. Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, 1102.
62. Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, 808–9, 654.
63. See Raymond J. DeMallie’s introduction in Mooney, Ghost-Dance Religion, xvi, and Alice Beck Kehoe, The Ghost Dance: Ethnohistory and Revitalization (Fort Worth, Tex.: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1989), 41–50.
64. U.S. Senate, Letter from the Secretary of the Interior in Response to Senate Resolution of June 1, 1892, Transmitting Certain Papers and Giving Information Relative to Certain Contracts Made with Indians, and the Relation of Agents or Attorneys to the Same, January 5, 1893, 52nd Congress, 2nd Session, S. Ex. Doc. 18, 686–694. On depredations, see William T. Hagan, “United States Indian Policies, 1860–1900,” in Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 4, History of Indian-White Relations, ed. Wilcomb E. Washburn (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1988), 63–64. On Short Bull’s narratives, see Maddra, Hostiles?, 35–44.
65. The Kinetoscope films were part of the installation “American Identities: A New Look,” September 12, 2001, through February 28, 2016, Brooklyn Museum.
66. Frank Norris, McTeague: A Story of San Francisco (New York: Vintage, 1990), 77. Norris clearly had in mind a projecting kinetoscope (a phantoscope or vitascope), as McTeague and his companions all watched at the same time. After the popularity of the peephole kinetoscope waned, Sioux Ghost Dance continued to be seen in such projections. An advertisement for “Phantoscope pictures” in The Indianapolis Journal, September 16, 1896, lists “Sioux ghost dance” as one of the features being shown.